BBC On The Record - Broadcast: 14.05.00



==================================================================================== NB. THIS TRANSCRIPT WAS TYPED FROM A TRANSCRIPTION UNIT RECORDING AND NOT COPIED FROM AN ORIGINAL SCRIPT; BECAUSE OF THE POSSIBILITY OF MIS-HEARING AND THE DIFFICULTY, IN SOME CASES, OF IDENTIFYING INDIVIDUAL SPEAKERS, THE BBC CANNOT VOUCH FOR ITS ACCURACY ==================================================================================== ON THE RECORD RECORDED FROM TRANSMISSION: BBC ONE DATE: 14.05.00 ==================================================================================== JOHN HUMPHRYS: Good afternoon. On Wednesday old age pensioners got a rise in their basic state pension ... 75 pence. I'll be asking the Social Security Secretary, Alastair Darling to justify it. We'll be reporting on the state of our manufacturing industry and asking why the government isn't doing more to help. And should they also be helping people who are losing their post offices? That's after the news read by Sian Williams. NEWS HUMPHRYS: Britain's factories have been taking a beating these past few years. Should the government be stepping in to help them? JOHN EDMONDS: "Unless action is taken, a lot of marginal constituencies are going to feel the heat , and the government is going to feel the heat from the MPs who represent them now." HUMPHRYS: And more post offices are putting up their shutters and going out of business ... another case perhaps for the government to take action? I'll also be talking to the Shadow Foreign Secretary, Francis Maude, about Sierra Leone. J[none1]OHN HUMPHRYS: Britain's pensioners are feeling a little better off this weekend .. wondering, perhaps, how to spend the increase they had when they collected their pensions on Wednesday ... all 75 pence of it. It's generally thought that many pensioners refused to vote for the government in last week's elections precisely because the increase was so small. The government points out that pensioners are actually better off than that meagre rise suggests because of all the other extra benefits they've had .. but that does not seem to impress them nor, indeed, many Labour MP's who want to see a bigger increase next time around. The Social Security Secretary Alastair Darling is in our Edinburgh studio. Good afternoon, Mr Darling. ALASTAIR DARLING MP: Good afternoon. HUMPHRYS: The pensioners champion - that's what the government calls you. That laurel seems to sit a little uneasily upon your head this morning doesn't it? DARLING: Well let me explain what we are doing for today's pensioners. As you rightly say the increase in the basic state pension is only part of what we're doing. The winter fuel payment of one hundred and fifty pounds which of course is not taxable nor is it taken into account for benefit purposes is going to everyone. The television licences worth one hundred and four pounds to the over seventy-fives will come in from this November. We've reduced VAT on fuel which helps pensioners probably more than anybody else and of course for the major problem that we inherited, that of pensioner poverty, it is worth noting that as a result of what we've done someone on the minimum income guarantee will be fifteen pounds, sometimes more than that, better off than they were in nineteen ninety seven. So what we're doing is we're tackling the dreadful inheritance that we took over and that is that you had millions of pensioners living in poverty and if you look at the amount of money we're spending on pensions during this parliament, some six and a half billion pounds more than the Conservatives ever planned to spend, almost half of that amount is going to the poorest three million pensioners in this country. So the strategy is to deal with pensioner poverty first. The next stage of course is to help those pensioners who've got modest savings, and we've doubled the capital limits available to them and to introduce the pensioner credit to help those pensioners who have got modest occupational pensions. HUMPHRYS: People watching this programme, many elderly people watching this programme will have heard that explanation, that little list many times before but they are still unimpressed, they don't think it's good, they don't think it's enough, can you understand why they're so unhappy? DARLING: I think many people don't always appreciate that the pensioner income comes from mainly two different sources: One is what you get from the government, what you contribute to, that is the basic state pension but of course that's always been a foundation, a stepping stone for other measures and if you look at the average pensioner income in this country at the moment it is a hundred and thirty-two pounds. That is because in addition to the basic state pension, more and more people have got funded pensions, occupational pensions, works pensions, call it what you want on top of that. Now when we came into office what we found was that over the last twenty years or so the gap between the richest or better off pensioners and the poorest pensioners was as wide in 1997 as it had been forty years earlier. That is the legacy that we inherited and this is a major problem that we had to tackle, that is why it's not a question of not wanting to spend the money because we're actually spending two and a half billion pounds more than we would have done if, for example, we'd restored the link to earnings, two and a half billion pounds more, but as I say, nearly half of what we are spending more is going to Britain's three million poorest pensioners and I think that is the right thing to do in principle and I think when you explain that to people they do accept that that is also the right thing to do in practice. HUMPHRYS: Do they? Well maybe they do and maybe they don't. I can assure you that both you and certainly I will get an awful lot of letters after this programme from pensioners who say 'Why is the minister telling me I don't understand it?' DARLING: No I'm not saying that at all...... HUMPHRYS: Well that's exactly what you said - 'they don't seem to understand'. I mean I quote you from what you said at the beginning of your last answer. The fact is that they understand perfectly well and they want it done differently. Can you not appreciate that and can you not accept therefore that it was a mistake to give them such a small rise in the basic pension? I take your point about what you said about the basic state pension but they believe it was the wrong thing to do. Do you accept that it was a mistake? DARLING: All three political parties in this country, the three major political parties gave exactly the same promise - to increase pensions in line with prices. We want to do more than that but we wanted to make sure that the money was spent where it had the most effect. Now if you look at the top twenty per cent of pensioners in terms of income in this country, they're income in the last twenty years went up by about eighty per cent whereas the bottom twenty per cent, the poorest, saw their incomes go up by about thirty per cent. Now as I've said to you we are spending more, much more than the last government intended to - some six and a half billion pounds and nearly half of that is being spent on the poorest three million people. HUMPHRYS: You make that point and you've made that point quite clearly but what I'm asking you is whether you appreciate now, bearing in mind the reaction to what has happened, bearing in mind the local elections and all the rest of it that giving an extra seventy-five pence on the basic state pension was a mistake. Certainly John Prescott seems to think so. Do you not agree with him? DARLING: No John Prescott didn't say that........ what he said was precisely what I'm saying is that what we're doing is right in principle and as I said last week just after the local elections, clearly for any government and our government in particular, we've done a lot, we clearly have a lot more to do to explain to people what we're doing. Now let me just explain what the next step is. Firstly if you look at those pensioners who do feel aggrieved and I perfectly well understand the point they make, that is those people who have got modest savings or a modest small occupational pension which they've built up and as a result of which they don't qualify for the minimum income guarantee. Now at the last budget we doubled the capital limits........... HUMPHRYS: But you've already made that point......... don't go and repeat yourself.......... DARLING: Can have twelve thousand pounds in the bank and not be effected. The next thing we've got to do through the new pensioner credit which I shall be consulting on later this year is to make sure that those pensioners who've got very modest occupational pensions are rewarded for their thrift and not penalised because of it. HUMPHRYS: But I just wanted to follow up you see where you said that John Prescott didn't say that. Let me quote you because he was in this studio just last week saying it and I've got a note here - a precise note - of what he said 'it's okay being intellectually convinced that it's the best way to do it" - what you've just been outlining "but pensioners don't believe it's benefiting them. Governments are elected by those people, not by a kind of score board as to whether it was intellectually right. That's what we learned." So clearly Mr Prescott thinks that you have learned something. You, by contrast, seem to be saying, well actually no, we haven't learned anything on that, what we're doing is right, maybe, maybe it is right, the question is that people don't think it is. DARLING: No, what..both of us are saying the same thing. I believe the pensions policy that we are following, tackling the inheritance, making the long-term reforms of the pension system that are absolutely necessary, are absolutely right. Where John and I say exactly the same thing, clearly what we are doing needs to be got across to people, we've got to win the political argument... HUMPHRYS: ..that's all it is... DARLING: ..neither of us would disagree with that point. But let's come back to the first principles here, you were asking what we're doing and why, what I am saying to you is that the situation we inherited was that an awful lot of pensioners had lost out, the gap between rich and poor like the rest of the society had never been greater. That's why we're doing it. Now as I say to you, we could, yes we could have restored the link to earnings which I think is the converse argument being run by some people but the problem with that is that it doesn't actually help the poorest pensioners because they'll lose it pound for pound through the benefit system. The people at the top end probably wouldn't notice it because it wouldn't amount to much in comparison with their other income and it's far better therefore to say yes let us spend more and we are spending more, next question, where do we spend it to best effect, the answer is that the package ought in the first instance be weighted towards those pensioners living in poverty. The next stage, as we've announced is to ensure that the pensioner credit deals with a situation which is something that should have been tackled years ago and that is people with small occupational pensions or modest savings who ought to be rewarded for all their effort during the lifetime and not penalised because of it. HUMPHRYS: Alright. What about next year's rise then, next year's rise in the basic state pension that is and I am sticking with the basic state pension for the moment because that's what concerns so many people, so many pensioners. It's going to be based, presumably, on the assumption that inflation will be at a certain level. We've been led to believe that they'll get another couple of pounds in their pensions as a result of that. Now, if inflation is less when it's calculated in September does that mean that they will get less than two pounds or is that two pounds figure that's been bruited around by the Chancellor among others, is that a guarantee? DARLING: What I've said many times is that on the information we have got at the moment the pension will rise by at least two pounds for a single pensioner, over three pounds for a pensioner couple. Every year, as required by statute, I have to make a decision on all benefit levels, all pension levels, I have to do that having regard to what the RPI is in September... HUMPHRYS: ...those contradict each other don't they, sorry..it's either going to be two pounds or it will be linked to the RPI - I'm slightly puzzled by that. DARLING: No, what I've said is that on the information available to us now the RPI increase would mean that pensioners, a single pensioner would get at least two pounds and pensioner couples three pounds... HUMPHRYS: ..so it's not guaranteed... DARLING: What I was going on to say is that the law requires me to decide on how much pensions actually go up by reference to what the actual RPI is. Now, if you had asked me a year ago I could have told you that it looked like about seventy five pence based on the information we had. So my guess is, and you know I'm pretty confident this is the case, that it will be at least two and three pounds respectably, this coming Autumn. What we do for pensioners as a whole, and as I've said to you it's not just the basic state pension there's the other measures I referred to which we've already introduced like the winter fuel payment, like the free television licences and the pensioner credit, the details of which we've yet to announce. When we come to sit down and decide what we are going to do, then we will make an announcement. But what I can tell you is that all the information at the moment shows that the pension, the basic state pension increase will be two and three pounds but I do make this point, you know no matter how much it may be tiresome to listen to it, the basic state pension always has been designed to be just that. It is a stepping stone, a foundation, most pensioners have incomes beyond that and of course one of the things you might - I understand you want to ask me about are the longer term changes that we are making to deal with the fact that you know in thirty years time nearly half the population will be over fifty and a quarter will be living in retirement. So in addition to dealing with today's problems, the problems we've inherited, we've also introduced substantial changes to the pension system to make sure that we have a sustainable, affordable system in the future and that we get more and more pensioners able to retire on a good income, something that hasn't been possible in the past. HUMPHRYS: But just to draw a line under this area of the basic state pension you are ruling out the possibility that the next increase in the basic state pension will be higher than inflation? DARLING: What I am saying to you is that the information we have at the moment... HUMPHRYS: No, no, I understand that...but that's a simple yes or no.. DARLING: ... the RPI looks as if it will be two and three pounds. I will make an announcement, usually about November time and that will be when I'll set out exactly what we're going to do so far as pensioners are concerned, and as I've also said to you the proposals that we're working up at the moment for the pensioner credit are designed to help the - I think the next problem that the government needs to deal with, and as I say having, clearly pensioner poverty was the first priority, the next thing to do is to help those pensioners with modest savings or modest ....who really have lost out in the past. HUMPHRYS: Indeed, but I am just trying to draw a line under the question of the basic state pension. That's what gets so many people so upset. Is it going to be above - well but you see, you told me that it was linked to RPI. Clearly, we know that, that that is the policy. I'm just asking you to tell us this morning whether it is likely to be or whether it cannot be above the rate of inflation. DARLING: I'm not going to make the up-rating statement you know, in the middle of May. It has to be made in November. What I said to you is you need to look and see what we're doing for pensioners in the round, basic state pension yes, but also the other measures, the winter fuel payment, the free television licences, not to mention other things of course pensioners greatly benefit from. You'll see the changes, the long term changes we're making in health care for example, the reduction in VAT and fuel, they all add up, they all should be taken into account and as I say to you what we're determined to do is to make sure the money we do spend, and we would be spending far more than we would have done with the earnings link, it's actually is spent to the best possible effect. HUMPHRYS: Yes, but the trouble is that people don't like the way these benefits are - particularly old people - there's a matter of pride here isn't there? A lot of elderly people think that 'I've paid for all of this, all the years that I've worked and paid my taxes and National Insurance and all the rest of it, and I don't want to be taking benefit. I want to have my basic state pension' So why you cannot just say let's roll it in together, all these fancy benefits you've got - free television licences for heaven's sake. - why can't you just roll it all up together so that you give them the money and they can spend it on what they like and when they like, instead of being a kind of nanny state that says you know, this is a free television licence, whether you want it or not you'll get it. DARLING: The hundred and fifty pounds going into fuel payment is paid before Christmas, it's not taxable, it isn't taken account from benefits which it would be if you lumped it into the pension income generally. Now, you know, I think any pensioner listening to this will know that you can pay a hundred and fifty pounds in a lump sum or weekly it's still a hundred and fifty pounds and I think most pensioners, many pensioners will welcome the fact they get it. Now, on your broader point people want to work throughout their lives and they don't want to have to rely on benefits. You're dead right. Now, the situation we've inherited is that at the moment had we done nothing one person working in three would have been retiring straight onto benefit. Now, as the result of the changes we've made, firstly on the state second pension which reforms SERPS the poorest people and those on the lowest wages will in some cases see the amount of benefit they get from the state scheme treble. So far as people who are on moderate and higher earnings are concerned as the result of the changes we've made there, the introduction of the new stake-holder pension which will benefit maybe some five million people, as a result of those changes that we've made that means that most people will be able to retire way above benefit level after a lifetime of hard work. So those changes that we've made are absolutely fundamental to the points you make, and that is that none of us want to work all our lives only to discover we're on benefit. That will not happen in the future because of the long term changes we're making. HUMPHRYS: On the minimum income guarantee that you mention, I think it's. what is it, seventy-eight pounds, forty-five pence one of your ministers, Lord Faulkner has said he could perfectly well live on that, given of course that may include Housing Benefit and things like that. Jeoff Rooker, another of your ministers says he couldn't. Your own minister of state says he couldn't. Could you, could you live on seventy-eight pounds forty-five a week? DARLING: Isn't the important thing here to make sure that we gradually increase the ... HUMPHRYS: But, I asked you whether you could live on that at the moment. DARLING: Our objective is to make sure that everybody in this country retires on a decent pension. Now, that was not happening in the past because of the system that we inherited which was basically run down, no-one had given it any proper thought for year. What we're doing is making sure that now, if somebody works throughout their life, either through an occupational pension, a stake-holder pension or perhaps a private pension, a personal private pension if they're better off and that's appropriate, they will be able to retire on a decent income. We'll also increase the amount of money that people get through the reformed SERPS, the new state second pension as I say, sometimes trebling the amount of money that someone earning less then nine-and-a-half thousand pounds, and some eighteen million people will be better off as a result. But all these changes to the pension system, they take time. You know this is a classic example of where this government has looked to the long term, we're making changes, we've done a lot, we clearly have a lot more to do. Yes, we've got to win the argument in places where we're not winning it at the moment, yes of course we've got to do that, but the long term changes to the pension system, plus what we're doing to help today's pensioners seems to me to be the right thing to do in principle... HUMPHRYS: Yeah, but not enough, enough to help today's pensioners, or many of feel, and then they may note that you ducked that question on whether you could live on the minimum income guarantee. DARLING: Well, let's come back to today's pensioners. HUMPHRYS: Well, I'd like you to answer that question. DARLING: The average pensioner income in this country is a hundred and thirty-two pounds. The reason it is so far higher than the basic state pension is as I said more and more people coming into the pension system come with their occupational pension, thanks to the reforms made in the nineteen-fifties, the nineteen-sixties and so on. What we've got to do is to make sure that those pensioners who missed out on all that, many of whom because they had broken work records, they were out of work for a time or they didn't actually have access to occupational pensions, we've got to make sure that they get the help. That's why as I say, nearly half of the six- and- a- half billion pounds extra we're spending this parliament goes to Britain's three million poorest pensioners. HUMPHRYS: Right. Can I just .... DARLING: I believe that's the right thing to do. We're dealing with today's problems but we've also crucially had the courage to sit down and ask ourselves what do we need to do to stop this problem happening in the future. It will take time but we've made a start. HUMPHRYS: Just a very quick thought about a story in the papers this morning about benefit fraud. I raise because if you could crack it you might have a bit more money to spend on pensioners. It says that you were supposed to be reducing benefit fraud, in fact it's rising, it's up at seven billion pounds a year now. Is that worrying you? DARLING: No. I saw the story. It was a bit of a muddle. They say it's a secret report, and then say we've published it, so it can't be both. The position is that we know that we lose between two and four billion pounds a year in relation to fraud. Now, we've already begun to turn that round. If I give you one example. When we came into office two out of every five cases of income support were wrong. We've halved that already, that saved a billion pounds, and indeed if you look at Social Security spending as a whole it is now growing at the lowest rate than it has since the second world war. One of the reasons is because we are making sure the system is more secure. Because of that we've been able to spend more money on pensions, indeed the only reason Social Security spending is growing is because we're spending more money on pensioners, more money on families with young children. So we are tightening the system, but it's like everything else we inherited from the Conservatives, the system and Social Security was run down, it was lax, it needed to be reformed. We're making those reforms, they will take time to work their way through, but at the DSS, you know, at the end of this parliament will be far more secure, it will be in far better shape than it was when we took over from the Tories. HUMPHRYS: Alastair Darling, thank you very much indeed. DARLING: Thank you. HUMPHRYS: It has not been a good week for Britain's factory workers. The big announcement in the past few days was that thousands of jobs are going at Dagenham. But it seems scarcely a week passes these days without someone, somewhere cutting jobs on the shop floor. Tony Blair is expected to reject calls for intervention to help manufacturing when he speaks to the CBI this week. But trade union leaders and many Labour MP's say the government can and should do something. Paul Wilenius reports on the growing pressures facing them. PAUL WILENIUS: Britain's factories were once the driving force of the economy. Manufacturing goods - like these cars at Vauxhall in Luton - to be sold across the world. Even though they now produce less than a fifth of the nation's wealth , for those who work in them and the Labour Government , they're crucially important , as the Chancellor admitted in 1991. GORDON BROWN: Our argument is that manufacturing matters . That even our service sector depends ultimately on modern manufacturing strength. MALCOLM GIBSON: Manufacturing industry at the moment is under the cosh and unless we see some respite from the problems , particularly of the high pound at the moment, there is no question that a number of those businesses aren't going to survive. DEREK FOSTER: A lot of votes hinge upon the prosperity of manufacturing industry. Particularly in Scotland, Wales , the North East, the North West, the West Midlands, but also in many other parts of the country where there are marginal seats, and the government can't afford to be seen to do nothing. WILENIUS: Manufacturing was once at the very heart of the Labour Party, and its policies. But despite strong words of support for some of Britain's key industries, the government is under attack from the unions and many Labour MPs for failing to act. They fear the high value of the Pound is crippling vital businesses, and is putting tens of thousands of jobs at risk. Since the election, manufacturing has been suffering. The government let the Siemens semi-conductor factory in County Durham close. But coal, Labour's heartland industry, needed �100 million of aid to head off extinction. Then Ministers backed a rescue package for Rover, which may only be a stay of execution - while Harland and Wolf in Belfast was saved at the last minute when a no strike deal with workers helped win �300 million pounds of new orders. There's also trouble up at this woollen mill in Bradford. Whiteheads had to merge with its rivals, invest in new machinery to increase productivity, and slash the numbers of workers in an effort to cut costs. Textile factories axed 40,000 workers last year, and another 25,000 will go this year. The hardest hit have been women. The dangers for this plant and the industry are stark, as factory boss Malcolm Gibson explains. He's fighting to survive as the huge rise in the value of the pound against the Euro has wiped out productivity gains. GIBSON: We have been working very hard over the last three years to improve our productivity and reduce our cost base. We have invested in new machinery. Our whole workforce is working together in a much more effective way to ensure that we can produce more for less time. In fact we have probably achieved significantly in excess of a ten per cent improvement in our productivity This has been totally eroded by a twenty five per cent strengthening of sterling in that period. WILENIUS: Keeping industries like this rolling is now a high priority and Ministers are under intense pressure to bring down the value of the strong Pound, or bolster the weak Euro. Others want the government to deliver more radical action, to change the way the Bank of England sets interest rates, or even put up taxes. JOHN EDMONDS: The remit of the Monetary Policy Committee of the Bank of England which is just to look at inflation, worry about that worry a lot about that, but not to worry about anything else. That's got to be changed. It's got to be changed to have a much wider scope, to look at competition abroad , to look at interest rates abroad and see where Britain is standing by comparison, but also of course the second change is actually need a change in personnel . You need the Monetary Policy Committee to contain people who know about manufacturing industry. At the moment it's just academic economists and a few economists from merchant banks. There's no real experience there. So of course they're worried about house prices in the South of England and they're not worried about what happens in Belfast or the West of Scotland or the North West or the West Midlands. FOSTER: I've argued for some time that we've over relied upon monetary policy but Gordon Brown would say that his fiscal policy has actually been buttressing the monetary policy. But there used to be a time when the economy was overheating and where it was consumption that was driving the overheating, and it was a perfectly feasible economic policy to raise taxes in order to take that extra consumption out of the economy. WILENUIS: But to make sure workers like this stay in jobs , some in the Labour Party want Britain to spend billions of pounds to prop up the Euro . JOHN MONKS: Not so long ago there was concerted action across the exchanges by governments and central banks to bring down the value of the dollar and I think it is time for the same kind of concerted action to be put together to bring up the value of the Euro against the pound but also against the yen and against the dollar. And I am looking for Gordon Brown to give a lead to the international authorities in the financial area, particularly the G7 countries along those lines, I think he can do it, I think the time is right. WILENIUS: But to some this all looks like old Labour is back on the march. The Rover crisis sparked off this mass rally at Longbridge in Birmingham which saw the trade unions back on the streets . The scale of the protests and fear of up to 50,000 job losses alarmed Ministers. Although the company's saved for the moment , the new Rover boss John Towers and senior Labour figures feel manufacturing can only bloom again if the government makes the Pound fall by saying Britain will join the Euro soon. MARTIN O'NEILL: The government's commitment to join the Euro, which at the moment has been understated ought to be made far more clear and that at the Labour Party Conference, or the TUC a senior minister or the Prime Minister, or the Chancellor, should make it abundantly clear that it's our intention to join the Euro within twelve to eighteen months, or at least have a referendum on it. LORD HASKINS: The government has got to in my view make a more positive statement about where it might find itself vis a vis the Euro in two or three years time. In other words if the conditions that the government has laid down for joining the Euro are met they would need to be saying at some point that that would clearly accelerate the case for us joining the Euro. I don't think business is hearing a clear enough message from government about its intentions about the relationship with Britain and Euro land. WILENIUS: This one hundred and forty year old woollen mill in Bradford needs help, as it's fighting to survive. The Government's unwilling to go beyond sending a message to markets that the Pound is too strong but there are now growing calls on Ministers to intervene in other ways, to support ailing businesses. And these businesses will need gentle nurturing over the next couple of years. Ministers are under pressure to give much more help to factories like this Yorkshire woollen mill, otherwise it may become just another historical monument to a golden age of British manufacturing. MALCOLM GIBSON: We are not a headline industry, the large companies, the motor industry which is obviously getting a lot of publicity at the moment and appears to be getting support, a lot of smaller and medium sized companies that are really where the back bone of the employment is in this country could also benefit from having some assistance in either a regional form or helping with training or similar sort of aspects. WILENIUS: The motor industry faced two big crises last week over Longbridge and Dagenham. Here at Vauxhall they're successful and investing. But to keep the wheels of manufacturing industry turning many are calling for direct government intervention. They want more "Regional Aid " to help hard hit areas, such as the West Midlands and the North of England. "Grants " available for development and training. And business is calling for "Tax Breaks " to keep industry moving forward. JOHN MONKS: We want to see the governments intervene to protect jobs and employment and good jobs. We know that there comes a time with some areas where those jobs can't be continued but there are other cases where the dip is temporary and we don't want to see people go out of business and jobs lost and Britain suffer loss of a major earner, because of some short term dip. WILENIUS: Although company bosses wants tax breaks, they don't want a return to government intervention where taxpayers' money is used to bale out lame duck businesses. DIGBY JONES: I would hope over three years, that this government has learned that where business is left to create wealth, as long as it is responsible in a socially inclusive way. As long as it can take on most of the processes going forward, the unions with it, and the environment with it. The best role for government is to have created an environment and butt out. WILENIUS: But when the wheels of business fall off , the big global companies can close factories very easily in Britain. So many in the Labour Party also want British workers to have the same kind of protection as workers on the Continent. JOHN EDMONDS: Frankly within Europe ,British workers are regarded as mugs. We're not properly protected . We haven't got the sort of rights that should exist in a civilised society and frankly any company can sort of shut up shop and leave almost without any notice at all and BMW did in this country what they could never do in Germany, just saying we're going to sell off Rover and go. No consultation with government, but no consultation with their own employees. I mean what sort of civilised standards are that. And that's possible in the economy at the moment. DEREK FOSTER MP: I think in the short term it's very difficult for the UK government to stand on one side and to make our manufacturing employees more vulnerable than anyone else in Europe. We cannot actually live with unnecessary closures. WILENIUS: Tony Blair will be told by CBI bosses over dinner this week, that manufacturing industry is under serious threat. They don't want Labour to go back to its old ways and use taxpayers money to prop up ailing industries. But there'll be a political price to pay, if parts of Britain boom, while more manufacturers go bust. JONES: I want to hear this week from the Prime Minister that he understands the serious effects that the strength of sterling is having on jobs in the country. That he doesn't abrogate the responsibility for the challenges that are now facing industry by saying it's all down to interest rates and a weakness of the Euro. WILENIUS: Tony Blair's determined not to return to the old days of Labour intervention, but he could well have his work cut out explaining to his party and the voters that this could mean more lost jobs. MARTIN O'NEILL: We've got to recognise that the recent local election results are evidence of the end of the honeymoon. I mean it really was the longest honeymoon in history and I think in that sense, the government has got to recognise that they cannot take the electorate for granted and that they've got to get across the message that we live in a rapidly changing world economy in which production is being shifted ruthlessly in part by the manufacturers and in part by the customers because they will go where the prices are most attractive. EDMONDS: The government can't afford to allow manufacturing industry to suffer any more. The economic arguments are very strong. But the political ones for a government in its last eighteen months of office are overwhelming. Unless action is taken a lot of marginal constituencies are going to feel the heat and the government is going to feel the heat from the MPs who represent them now. WILENIUS: Indeed this is one of Tony Blair's hottest problems. If he backs old style Labour intervention, his hard won reputation in business and the City could disappear. But if he continues to leave manufacturing to its fate, many factories, jobs and voters could well head off elsewhere. HUMPHRYS: Paul Wilenius reporting and we did ask the Trade and Industry Secretary, Stephen Byers, if he wanted to respond to the points made in that film but he said he didn't. JOHN HUMPHRYS: The Government continues to insist that there is no danger of British troops being drawn into a civil war in Sierra Leone. But there are hundreds of paratroopers there and more soldiers arrived off the coast only last night. The Shadow Foreign Secretary, Francis Maude, is in our Oxford studio. Mr Maude, what would you like to see happen now? FRANCIS MAUDE MP: I'd like to see some real clarity about what the purpose of this mission really is. We haven't heard that. Last Monday when Robin Cook announced the mission he said it was essentially to get the British nationals and other European nationals for whom we were taking responsibility, to get them out. That's broadly been done but we are now seeing the mission being extended apparently more or less indefinitely and you know a lot of us are finding difficulty in reconciling Robin Cook saying this morning that there's no question of the British troops taking a combat role with the fact that the government has sent some of the finest combat troops that there are in world. You know these are real front line strike troops and if they are not there in any sense in a combat role then actually expectations in the government of Sierra Leone and the people of Sierra Leone who are suffering hideously from this brutal so-called rebel force led by Mr Sankoh, then their expectations are being raised high in a way that's very unsatisfactory. HUMPHRYS: Do you want some sort of enquiry into what? MAUDE: Well there's a bit of a tangled history here in Sierra Leone going - of the British government's involvement going back quite some time and the aspect that I think is causing some concern at the moment is the way in which the peace agreement that was reached last July - June/July time - which involved the President - the democratically elected President of Sierra Leone granting a pardon to Sankoh and then giving him a seat in the government and a number of his rebel colleagues seats in the government and effectively handing over control of the crucial diamond mining area. The suggestion has been made that that was forced upon, or Mr Kabbah are put under considerable pressure to agree to that kind of arrangement by the Foreign Secretary, the British Foreign Office, in order to secure a peace agreement. Now obviously that was a flawed agreement because the rebel forces have, the bulk of them haven't gone along with this for a second. HUMPHRYS: That they say was the least worst option, that's what the Foreign Office says. MAUDE: Well I hate to think what the other options were at the time, but this was a man who was then in exile. Who was out of the country, under sentence of death and from what one hears very deservedly so, he's been leading the most appalling crusade of maiming and killings and intimidation in a way that was quite intolerable. And to, as it were, to impose him as part of a new government is quite wrong and is actually precisely that that seems to have led to today's civil war. HUMPHRYS: So what would you do now then? I mean we have troops there and we have more troops arrived last night. Would you, if you were running the show, would you now pull them out? MAUDE: Well it's very hard for me to say that because I don't know what commitments have been made. I don't know what has been said to the government of Sierra Leone and said to the United Nations. You've got a big United Nations force there which hasn't by all accounts performed terribly well and so I don't know what Robin Cook has led them to believe the British troops are going to. Any commitments that have been made by the British government have obviously got to be met, the problem we have, which is why I come back to what I said at the outset, that we need some clarity here. The problem is that we just don't know what has been - what the purpose of this mission is. HUMPHRYS: But I mean given that no particular commitment has been made of the sort you are implying there and Robin Cook says that it hasn't, that the troops went in in order to help British and European nationals get out and secure the airport while they did so. Given that that is the case, are you saying that those troops - and you can hardly criticise the government for no clarity if you don't have a view on this - are you saying that those troops should be pulled out now or what? MAUDE: I'm sorry to come back to it. I mean you are saying why they have a view if we don't. We can't have a view on that because we are not close to what is going on. You know it is the government that sent the troops in, the government must have said things to the government of Sierra Leone and to the United Nations about what the purpose of this troops contingent is. Now, the mission has already gone considerably beyond what Robin Cook set out in his statement to the House of Commons last Monday when he said this was essentially a mission to evacuate the nationals. That's happened, that's been done, broadly. There may be some clearing up to do.. HUMPHRYS: But that has been done, so would it not be responsible...irresponsible to pull out now given the state that the country is in. Would it not be irresponsible to do so? MAUDE: There is certainly a case for saying that the troops should stay but we should be told what the purposes of their staying. If they are not to be combat troops then....not to be employed in any combat role, then we need to be told precisely what their role is. You know, the danger of this is that we get more expectations among those in Sierra Leone, in the UN and in the government and the people of Sierra Leone, get raised beyond what we are actually prepared to deliver which is why we do need to know what commitments Robin Cook has made to the UN and to the government of Sierra Leone, otherwise it's very difficult to make a judgement over whether the right thing is being done. HUMPHRYS: But if there were any danger, and clearly this danger must exist depending on who you believe, that Sankoh and his gang of thugs and there are many thousands of them are going to march into Freetown and God knows what they might do there - they've been savage enough as it is already, and we had the chance at least to hold them back a bit or maybe to stop them because of the way we might work with UN troops, would you then say 'that is our moral responsibility we should do that'? MAUDE: I think we should.... Again, without knowing precisely what the sort of position would be it's very difficult to answer that hypothetically because again one of the big dangers here is promising more than you can deliver and the problem here you see is that Robin Cook has said at the moment these troops won't be employed despite their being, as I say, some of the finest combat troops in the world, they won't be deployed in a combat role. And so there doesn't seem even to be the sort of deterrent effect on the Sankoh forces of having these people there. All of this is part of the reason why we think there should be a proper enquiry into the whole of this. It's an unhappy way to proceed. First of all with the peace agreement last June with clearly some baggage as far as the British government is concerned from the British government's own involvement in it and then the way in which this mission has been set up, has been configured and now has been apparently developed, without anything explicit being said about what the change in the mission is. HUMPHRYS: Just a very quick thought then - what sort of enquiry do you have in mind? MAUDE: Well I don't have a fixed view about that but it should be an enquiry which is able to look thoroughly at all of the history of this and reach some conclusions, mainly factual conclusions, it doesn't necessarily even need to be judgements, about what happened. If the facts are properly disclosed then we the politicians and the public can make our judgements on what happened. HUMPHRYS: Francis Maude, thank you very much indeed for joining us. MAUDE: Thank you. HUMPHRYS: More and more post offices are being shut down in Britain ... not just in villages but in towns and big cities too. The problem is going to get worse because the government is planning to change the way that benefits are paid out. So there'll be even less reason to pop into the post office in future. Ministers say they will do something to help but, as Polly Billington reports, many people believe it won't be anything like enough. POLLY BILLINGTON: It's the end of an era in Chalgrove. Mrs Croxford has tried to sell her post office as a going concern. But as she and her husband now are drawing their pensions and with no buyer available, it closes for good in June. MRS CROXFORD: It's been in the family for over ninety years. We've had it on the market for nearly two years without any success. We decided if we really wanted to retire we really had no option but to close it down. I think the uncertainty over the future of the network, although they've got lots of plans to open a bank and all the rest of it, it's not - if you're starting off today and you'd got money to invest you might think twice before you invested it in a post office. It's sad, because it's a lovely profession and our customers are our friends. BILLINGTON: Those friends include many of the village's three thousand residents, especially those who don't have the means to travel far afield. Chalgrove might be close enough to Oxford for commuters - but not for pensioners like Mary Mayall and Elsie Roberts. MARY MAYALL AND ELSIE ROBERTS: I don't know what we're going to do then. Nor DO I. We'll have to pay bus fare to Cowley. What, out of the 75p they've just given us? That's a bit stupid. It's only two thirty. I really feel that we should have a post office don't you Mary?. Yeah we're going to be really let down I think. We're going to be lost without it to be honest. She's got it to a tee - we are going to be lost without our post office. BILLINGTON: Post office closures increased steadily during the late nineteen nineties - Mrs Croxford's is one of nearly four hundred that are expected to shut down this year. And that rate of decline could get worse because the government wants to pay pensions and benefits into bank accounts by 2003. If that happens the fear is fewer people will use their local post offices, they'll become less viable, and even more of them will close down. Sub-post office staff delivered their warning and that of three million customers, to Downing Street last month. Sackfuls of signatures to a petition piled up outside Number Ten. But the government says there are good reasons for introducing automatic credit transfer - or ACT. ALAN JOHNSON MP: It is a much better deal for the tax payer and dramatically cheaper as it costs 79p to the tax payer to cash a giro cheque, it costs 1p to the tax payer to pay the money into ACT. It also eliminates around about a hundred, a hundred and fifty million pounds worth of fraud every year at a stroke VINCENT CABLE MP: We've already seen in the Romsey constituency, which we won, there was a very, very strong public feeling about this, that rural communities are going to be severely undermined if they lose their post office branch. They've seen this happening over many years and the process of decline will accelerate with ACT. BILLINGTON: Recent bank closures have left many people with no alternative to the post office in their area as a way of getting hold of their money. If post offices close as a result of ACT some MPs worry about people being left out. TONY LLOYD MP: People who for different reasons have never bothered with the banking system, have always operated in the cash economy, who feel more comfortable drawing the benefits directly. And we have to make sure that they don't end up having to travel long distances or simply being put to ridiculous inconveniences to get access to their own money. BILLINGTON: So what will the government do? The Federation of Sub-Postmasters Conference starts today - and the Trade and Industry Minister Alan Johnson will address them on Tuesday. He'll be able to tell them about some of the options available. But the question is whether the government's preferred solution finds favour with the sub-postmasters and their customers. The government's Performance and Innovation Unit, the PIU, is supposed to be coming up with answers to the problem. That weighty tome is such a long time in coming some fear it's been lost in the post. The government has suggested that subsidy could keep some of the most vulnerable Post Offices open. JOHNSON: They are necessary for all kinds of reasons, they will probably never make a profit, never be able to operate commercially viably, in a commercially viable way, that is where government subsidy may need to come in, to come in, that is what the PIU will be looking at. But in a vast network like this you know that is a fairly small proportion. BILLINGTON: Chalgrove fulfils the stereotype of a village with the Post Office at its heart. But in the pursuit of protecting services in the countryside there are fears that help won't be forthcoming to post offices that serve areas less photogenic and communities less articulate about their troubles - places that don't tug at the collective heartstrings of the country. LLOYD: The emphasis has been on the rural areas, the idyllic concept of village Britain, but an awful lot of Britons don't live in idyllic villages they live in inner urban areas and their needs have got to be met as well within this process, so politically they must not be ignored. If you like there is a heartlands debate about the post offices as well. JOHNSON: We are looking to resolve the problems particularly for rural communities but that doesn't mean to say that post offices aren't as important, as important and sometimes more important in urban areas and urban deprived areas in particular, so it is not a rural urban issue it is a post office network issue. BILLINGTON Customers already have access to advice and information at their local post office. Rather than a handout for the few, postmasters would prefer all branches to get financial recognition for the services they currently offer for free. CABLE: I think the issue we now face is whether the government is just going to allocate subsidy to a handful of high profile closures or whether he has a systematic programme of providing this money in the form of additional income to postmasters and postmistresses to keep the whole network functioning. BILLINGTON: The Dome is supposed to be the showcase for Britain's future and its innovative ideas and technology. The sub-post office here is part of that showcase - in that it's fully computerised - providing all the services currently on offer at your local post office - and with the potential to deliver much more. So can you explain what you can do - what services you provide on this computer. UNNAMED WOMAN: PMD is for pension allowances. You can collect your pensions, your income support, green Giros and milk tokens. Then we have utilities and bill payments..... BILLINGTON: So you can pay your bills....... UNNAMED WOMAN: You can pay all your bills with a card. Then we have personal finances and you can also send moneygrams from the Post Office. BILLINGTON: So that's people paying in and drawing money out...... UNNAMED WOMAN: Oh yes. You can actually pay in and draw out. And then we have licences. You can buy game licences, fishing licences as well as colour TV licences. BILLINGTON: This automation could be the starting point for a whole new kind of post office. Some people say the best way of keeping Post Offices open is by making them more profitable - by offering new services via new technology. But achieving this will take time and money. What the sub Postmasters want to know is whether the government is prepared to sign up to that vision. BAKER: I see Sub Postmasters being the general practitioners for government. Not only dispensing cash in the form of benefits and payments for the Post Office account supported by a banking package for other banks, but dispensing information, information about what benefits people qualify for, what are those benefits? Passport forms, driving licence forms, all this can be provided at your local post office, this is where people want it where they live. On top of that we could have a national lost property database, we can read documents for the police. Only your brain forbids you from thinking what else a post office can do, supported by this computerisation that we're currently putting in. BILLINGTON: But hi-tech doesn't necessarily make money. The delivery of services would still have to be paid for - by - guess who? the government. Half a billion pounds is being spent on this modernisation - but however many new services they offer computers on their own won't solve the problem. CABLE: The post office network is already investing substantially in new technology to enable post offices to keep up with electronic switching, I mean that is going to happen. It doesn't solve the immediate problem of the loss of income in the post office network, they are getting new technology, but they need the income, this is the core problem we keep coming back to. BILLINGTON: The government has services that must be made available - and post offices will soon have the means to offer them. Everyone could be a winner if the government paid postmasters to deliver. DREW: What I want to see is individual post masters and post mistresses paid a salary where they are undertaking services on behalf of the State, or indeed undertaking those services which clearly need support in order to keep them in place. BROWNING: It's not a subsidy, it is a payment for a specific service that has to be delivered. If the government delivered it themselves, then there would be a cost to the tax payer, and of course that's what happened with benefits payments, it was just that the Post Offices received the repayment for carrying that out on behalf of government, because the sub-post masters say to me; they don't want government handouts, but what they do want are income streams and opportunities to replace that income in a legitimate way. BILLINGTON: Planning for their conference the Federation of Sub-Postmasters would like to be upbeat about the minister's address. But they know that their members won't be in the mood just for warm words. BAKER: I have worries that if the Minister doesn't come and say what the delegates want to hear then it might not get ugly, they could certainly express their dissatisfaction in a way which we probably wouldn't enjoy but I don't see how we can head that off. BILLINGTON: Their first concern is what to do if the benefit changes hit before they are ready. BAKER: We want to hear the Minister say they are signed up for the vision and if we're not ready by 2003 then they will delay their ACT plans until we are. JOHNSON: I think it is a sensible programme and I think we can meet that programme and we can meet it without damaging the network and without the kind of closures the people have predicted. BILLINGTON: It might be too late for Chalgrove's post office and its postmen, who will have to travel to Oxford's sorting office to work. But post office staff say the future of others could be secured by an early government decision on a package of measures to help them. DREW: They want to see what is going to be in the Performance Innovation Unit Report, and they want to see the degree to which they are going to get support and the degree to which the universal service obligation is going to be maintained. And I hope he can make some indications about that but this is not going to be a quick fix, this is going to be a long term strategy of making sure that we keep sub post offices in existence. LLOYD: I think we've got to say that there are some services in society obviously things like our hospitals, like our schools, which nobody would ever say could be operated without recognition, that society pays to keep them there. Now I think whether it's rural Britain or urban Britain, the same kind of argument does apply for the post office. BILLINGTON: The government might not want to hand out bags of cash to every post office, but the whole network needs more than a push start to modernise. Until a decision is made about how to finance the future, other sub post offices will go the way of Chalgrove. HUMPHRYS: And that was Polly Billington reporting there. And that's it for this week. Until the same time next week, good afternoon. ...oooOooo... [none1][none1] 9 FoLdEd
NB. This transcript was typed from a transcription unit recording and not copied from an original script. Because of the possibility of mis-hearing and the difficulty, in some cases, of identifying individual speakers, the BBC cannot vouch for its accuracy.