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PAOLA BUONADONNA: Every morning the French river
police set off from the port of Strasbourg to patrol the Rhine, the
border with Germany. French police work closely with their German counterparts
but the relationship extends beyond the river. France and Germany have
traditionally been the twin engines of the European Union. France takes
over the Presidency of the EU just as wholesale institutional reforms are
underway which could once again change the course of Europe.
For the next six months France is in charge of steering European affairs
and is determined to make practical progress towards European integration.
Germany has promised its full support. But France's ambitious plans put
Britain in an awkward position and could raise questions about Britain's
role in Europe shortly before the next General Election.
PIERRE MOSCOVICI: The Franco-German motor is on
its way. The Franco German couple is back and we are going to defend absolutely
common positions during our presidency.
KEITH VAZ: I know it suits the
purposes of some to believe that there is some kind of thing going on between
France and Germany. Frankly this does not exist as far as we are concerned.
FRANCIS MAUD: I think we kid ourselves
if we think that those arguments are over, that that federalist drive is
over - it's as strong as it ever was and they're determined to press ahead
with it.
BUONADONNA: In the 1980s the Franco-German
alliance drove Europe towards the single currency. But when President Mitterrand
and Chancellor Kohl stepped down the big vision seemed lost. Now the debate
has been re-ignited by the German Foreign Minister who has called for a
fully federal Europe. The new leaders, President Chirac and Chancellor
Schroeder set out to revive the alliance in the run up to the French Presidency.
Last month they agreed that reforms of the EU's institutions are essential
if Europe is to regain popularity with voters and function effectively
when it's enlarged to nearly 30 countries. They believe young people in
Europe want much more than a single market and are determined to agree
a new Treaty at the end of the year to pave the way for closer political
union.
The first move is to dramatically reduce the national veto, making it
impossible for one country to block legislation. France and Germany want
many more decisions taken by a substantial majority of countries by a qualified
majority vote. QMV could be introduced for immigration controls and even
some areas of taxation.
MAUDE: There should be no further
Qualified Majority Voting, no further loss of the veto on EU laws. I think
that's a very simple thing for Tony Blair to say which would be very welcome
to the British public. He hasn't said that, he's effectively said that
he is prepared to give up the veto in a lot of further areas.
VAZ: We have always made
it clear that we will look at QMV on a case by case basis. We always approach
European issues on the basis of what is in Britain's national interest.
As you know the previous government, Francis Maude, the current shadow
Foreign Secretary signed the Maastricht Treaty, which together with the
Single European Act, agreed to QMV 42 times.
MOSCOVICI: You know, when you are
in a democracy the rule for living together is voting. It's not logical
that any decision requires unanimity. This is why we must have another
logic, which is to say: the rule is majority, the exception is unanimity.
BUONADONNA: But it doesn't stop there.
France and Germany have agreed practical plans to allow some countries
to push ahead with some decisions. This week President Chirac told the
German parliament that a group of pioneer states should be able move forward
in Europe.
JACQUES CHIRAC: Assemble avec l'Allemagne
et la France ils pouriez se constitue dans un group pioneere
BUONADONNA: This is known as flexibility
or re-inforced co-operation. It was negotiated by the French and German
Europe Ministers.
CHRISTOPH ZOEPEL: I think there are some areas
where it is no problem to have different regulations between some of the
member states and others. We have two of them, the Euro and the agreement
of border control - in both areas the UK is not participating and I can
imagine that we would have more areas in which not all member states will
participate.
MOSCOVICI: We must decide that
a small group of countries, I don't know how much, let's say eight, this
is the proposal of our friends from Benelux, can together decide that they
will co-operate. I'm sure that everybody in Great Britain is fond of that
flexibility too.
BUONADONNA: Tony Blair hasn't shown much
enthusiasm so far. After meeting Chancellor Schroeder this week the Prime
Minister acknowledged the need for some flexibility in decision-making
once Europe is enlarged. But he feels that the Franco-German plans for
re-inforced co-operation go too far too soon. Tony Blair doesn't want
a two-speed Europe because he's determined to be seen at the heart of Europe.
But at the last EU summit the French President told Mr Blair that two-speeds
already exist and the UK is definitely in the slow lane.
HENRI WEBER: We realise that not all 15
member states have the same degree of motivation. So for those that are
determined for their country and for their vision of Europe, it is vital
to make progress in turning the European Union into a political force and
not just an economic area. For this to occur we have to use every opportunity
for advancement and it would be the pioneer states or the vanguard as Jacques
Delors called it, that will do this.
VAZ: We still remain to
be convinced of the intellectual arguments in favour of reinforced co-operation.
The Prime Minister's view and the Government's view is that we believe
in a Europe of nation states. In all the countries being treated equally.
We don't accept the need for groups of countries going off in different
directions.
BUONADONNA: But a group has already emerged
that's travelling further faster - the Euro 11. This exclusive club is
made up of the eleven countries that joined the single currency. Their
finance ministers meet behind closed doors to agree policies for the eurozone.
Now France and Germany want to strengthen the role of the Euro 11. And
Britain is excluded.
MOSCOVICI: It's a material, concrete
reinforced co-operation and we want it to work more and more, in a very
visible and transparent way. This is why our Minister of Economic and Finance,
Mr Fabius will make proposals as soon as the Presidency begins.
ZOEPEL: I think that is a most
realistic scenario for the reinforced co-operation that this Euro group
is going ahead. This group must speak with one voice especially in the
field of defending the external value of the Euro. I think that will be
the realistic approach of reinforced co-operation in the future.
BUONADONNA: Trade is booming within the
Eurozone. The eleven countries in the single currency are becoming the
driving force in European politics. Greece is to join soon; Denmark will
hold a referendum on the Euro in September and Sweden could follow.
(Guten Tag Chief Mann, Herr Controller. Bitte Zehen hier sind mein papier.)
The British Government
is under increasing pressure to make its mind up on the Euro.
MOSCOVICI: It's difficult for Britain
to be the leader of Europe when it's not in the Euro. And as soon as it's
not in the Euro Great Britain cannot stop the others to advance on such
matters.
ZOEPEL: If Britain will be marginalised
Britain should join the eurozone, if Britain will not be marginalised it
is not necessary.
VAZ: This is not a country
that is marginalised in Europe. This is a country that is leading the debate
on economic reforms, this is a country that is quite clear on where it
stands on the major issues concerning Europe. And we have made our position
on the Euro absolutely clear.
BUONADONNA: But the next six months will
bring another awkward issue for the British Government. Here in Berlin
one of the most keenly awaited developments of the French Presidency is
the creation of a Charter of Fundamental Rights - an idea first floated
by the German Government. But what started as a simple declaration of existing
rights now threatens to become something far more problematic for the British
Government. France wants the Charter to contain new rights, in areas such
as employment and family life. And Germany thinks the Charter should be
legally enforceable.
VAZ: We want certainty,
not confusion. We want to make sure that our citizens understand what they're
entitled to expect from such a Charter. What we do not want is a extension
on existing rights.
MAUDE: The British government pretends
that this is only going to be declaratory, it will only declare existing
rights - in which case why on earth have it; why on earth do this?
BUONADONNA: Critics fear the Charter represents
a European constitution in embryo. Britain was taken aback this week when
France and Germany called for a formal EU constitution to be agreed by
2004.
WEBER: In reality, the charter
is the nucleus of the future constitution. We would start by drawing up
and voting on the charter and the charter would be the foundation stone
of the constitution.
MAUDE: This is yet another of the
trappings of statehood that is trying to be created in order to make the
European Union more of a state, more of a country, less of, the sort of
confederation, the co-operative arrangement between nation states that
we want to be part of and so that would be quite unacceptable.
BUONADONNA: As the French Presidency begins
France and Germany appear more united and ambitious than they have been
in a long time. And whenever they share a vision they usually get their
way. In the face of this the UK has been forging strong bilateral links
with Spain and Portugal, and Scandinavian countries.
VAZ: We are at the centre
of the pack, we are influencing the debate, we are positively engaged.
Last year there were eighty-eight bilateral ministerial visits with the
Germans and seventy with the French.
WEBER: The construction of the
European Union cannot be confined to bilateral agreements. It is a collective
structure, which means joining in major steps forward.
BUONADONNA: The French are determined to
have a successful presidency. They want to complete institutional reforms,
agree the Charter and make practical progress towards political union.
The British say this will not mean the creation of a two speed Europe but
if they're wrong the next six months could be the hardest yet for Tony
Blair and his Government on Europe.
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