BBC On The Record - Broadcast: 06.05.01

Interview: ARCHIE NORMAN, Shadow Secretary of State for the Environment.

Argues that the Tories will set local authorities free from government interference if they achieve victory in the coming general election.



JOHN HUMPHRYS: The Conservatives have been doing well in the local elections since Labour came to power at Westminster, far better than they've been doing in the opinion polls. Not that that would be difficult. And, of course, we shall have LOCAL elections in England and Northern Ireland on June 7th whether the General Election is called for then or not. So what effect might that have on Conservative fortunes? The man in charge of local government for the Tories (and the environment) is Archie Norman and he's in our Leeds Studio. Good afternoon Mr Norman. ARCHIE NORMAN: Good afternoon John. How are you? HUMPHRYS: I'm fine thank you. One of the messages that you want to deliver over these next few weeks, is that you want to set the people free. You want to set councils free. Which is all very well, but there is a price to be paid for that isn't there and if you look at council spending for instance you say you will not cap council spending, we might then see Council Taxes going up. You'd have to live with that wouldn't you? NORMAN: Well it's hard to believe John, that they could go up more than they've done in the last four years under Labour, where we've seen a thirty per cent increase in Council Tax for Band D taxpayers. And I think what our launch of tomorrow's Local Government Manifesto really enshrines is the choice between a party that really believes in Local Government, in localism, and giving back Local Councils the ability to control the quality of life in their neighbourhoods, the number of houses being built, the litter, graffiti, all these things, and a Labour Party which is really by instinct centralising, that actually wants to create more and more regional bureaucracy and is committed to abolishing County Councils. HUMPHRYS: But to return to the question of taxes, you say they couldn't go up much more. They could of course, they could go up a great deal more, particularly if councils want to deal with the sort of problems that you've just been describing, and Mr Hague talks about the moral case for low taxation. Well, here you are wanting to make a moral case for greater freedom, but having to confront this opposing force. It is difficult for you isn't it? NORMAN: Well, you're right about that, and let me explain how we want to tackle that. I mean the first point is that the driving force behind the increase in Council Tax in recent years has been the cost passed down from central government on to local government, for instance things like fuel tax, the pensions tax and so on, and we wouldn't be pursuing that policy of taxation by stealth anyway. But more than that there is an issue that some councils have a very poor local mandate, democratic mandate, not many people turn out to vote for them, and equally have a poor record in financial governments and financial efficiency. Now what we're saying is that we are going to give those councils with a good track record of financial efficiency that are committed to a viable financial plan for the future, in other words one that doesn't mean putting up Council Tax. Good councils like Kent and Hampshire, we will set them free, they will be for a period of five years, have the ability to agree a contract with government, whereby they can be free from regulation and the audit culture that Labour have introduced, and pursue policies in the interests of their people. Meanwhile of course there are councils that can't demonstrate that sort of track record and don't really have a mandate, and we will close down very tight on them. HUMPHRYS: Sorry, you mean you'd cap them down. Can I be clear about this, so we're talking about limited freedom for a limited number of Tory councils? NORMAN: No, we're talking about very unprecedented levels of freedom for those councils, Labour or Conservative, that can demonstrate a good track record, because you see John, I think what's happened in recent years is that because of the concerns across all parties about the nature of local government, and about problems that there have been in some failing councils, we've introduced a sort of audit box ticking culture which has imposed a lot of cost, which has created a lot of new bureaucracy and costs for local government, and in effect the policies and the measures designed to deal with the failing inner city Labour councils like Leeds, like Doncaster and so on have imposed costs on the very successful councils like Hampshire and Kent. We're saying those councils should be set free to pursue their own policies, whilst those councils that can't demonstrate that capability, until they can, until they qualify, should have to continue with a very tight audit regime. HUMPHRYS: So let's be clear. Would it mean capping Council Tax? NORMAN: No, it wouldn't. We are committed, and I think this is another very big division between the parties, we said that we are going to abolish rate capping, we won't be capping Council Tax. We want people locally now to make their own decisions about the Council Tax they raise locally and the money that's spent locally, and we believe until you do that, until councils do feel and people feel responsible locally for the amount of money that they raise and spend, we can't really restore local democracy, and it's a very important part of today's Conservatism that we want to give people back a sense of real ownership and control over their neighbourhoods, the quality of their local services, and they way in which the quality of life locally, the number of houses that are built for instance, is managed. HUMPHRYS: So you wouldn't cap the taxes, but you would penalise them in other ways if they didn't manage their affairs in the way you thought appropriate?. NORMAN: Well, you have to remember that in the last four years we've seen an enormous increase in the controls on local government, much more special grants that councils have to apply for, they don't get automatically. Much more control in the forms of audits, local plans they have to produce, box tickers, auditors from central, what's called the best value regime, huge amounts of bureaucracy. Now we're saying: Look, the purpose of that is surely only to address those councils that have a problem. We must help them become more efficient and succeed. But those councils that really are efficient, they should be given the opportunity to perform better for their local people without all the cost, the dead weight of central government. HUMPHRYS: Right. You would also let...because you mentioned housing earlier, this is a crucially important area obviously for local authorities, in the context of freedom you would give them the freedom to build on Green Belt land if that is what they chose to do, or NOT - sorry, let me be quite clear about this, NOT to build on Green Belt land if that is what they chose. In other words there would be no central dictate that said to the South East for instance you must have x number of homes in Kent, or whatever it happens to be? What we would then have is freedom for the local authorities to say no houses on Green Belt land, no freedom for people who wanted to let's say move to the South East or people with you know, expanding families who wanted to move into another home or something. You'd have this sort of "nimbi" culture developing wouldn't you, so freedom for one group of people, no freedom for another group of people? NORMAN: No, that's not right at all John. You see, I think people have got into a syndrome over the last few decades whereby we, for some reason believe that we have to build more and more houses on the countryside and the Labour government under John Prescott have accelerated the amount of building on our countryside. Let me give you an example, in the South East, John Prescott has said we have to build nine-hundred-thousand new houses in the next twenty years, half of those on greenfields, in what is already one of the most congested parts of the country and our point about this is that if we pursue this, it's not just the death of the countryside, it's the death of the inner cities too. Because for every one of those families moving into an executive home in the countryside in Surrey, or Hampshire or Kent, there's a family moving out of the inner cities, and that means the school role and decline in the inner cities, it means shops closing in inner cities, it means crime rising. So our policy is to protect the countryside for future generations, but at the same time, concentrate on improving the quality of life in our inner cities so we can make them attractive places for people to live in the future. HUMPHRYS: So they could say effectively they'll pull up the drawbridge, we're alright. NORMAN: No, they can't say that, I mean, what we will say is that local councils will be obliged to meet the evolving needs of their existing population, so they can't simply say, we'll fossilise the local housing, the local housing situation. But what we are saying is that where, the view from people's front-room, where there are huge local developments are concerned, where villages and market towns are going to be destroyed by new housing, local people should be able to make that decision for themselves, and yes, the countryside and the green belt should be protected. You know, Labour are now committed to reviewing the green belt in five regions in this country, there are three instances of very large house building that John Prescott has commissioned, or allowed, on the green belt, it really is under threat, and you know, taxes can go up and they can come down again, but once you concrete over the countryside, it's lost forever. HUMPHRYS: Alright. NORMAN: And you see my point, the reason we care about this passionately is not just because we care about the countryside, it is because we care about the inner cities, and we believe the real challenge facing Britain today is to renew our inner cities and make them attractive places where people want to live, where families and able people want to live and have their children educated, and if we do that, we'll do something that is lasting for future generations and tackles at core the problems of welfare dependence and poverty in our country. HUMPHRYS: Alright, as far as the cities are concerned, then let's look at congestion charging, now you don't like congestion charging. A lot of local authorities say, it's the only answer, our cities are getting jammed up, we have to do something, they wouldn't have the freedom to introduce congestion charging if they wanted to? NORMAN: No, they wouldn't because the current problem as we all know in this country is that we tax the motorist more than almost any country in Europe and fuel tax has gone up tremendously under Labour, and what we're saying is that the car driver is already paying enough, and that actually in many places, the people who are penalised by congestion charges and more car parking charges, and this sort of thing, are the people who depend on the car. Those are often pensioners, they are people who happen to live in the countryside and have to come to town to shop or to work, they are people with families who have to get their children to school. And these taxes are very aggressive, they tend to penalise the least well off people worst, and they produce no great advantages in terms of the transport system. Until we can offer people a really attractive public transport alternative, better buses and trains and tubes in the case of London, there's no sense in trying to tax the motorist off the road. HUMPHRYS: So no freedom for people who are fed up with sitting in traffic jams? NORMAN: Well, the way to create freedom for people who are fed up with sitting in traffic jams is firstly to progressively improve the road system so that there are fewer jams. And let's remember that Labour have cut the spending on our roads in the last four years and brought about precious little improvement, and secondly to say to those people, look we're going to provide for you a much better bus service, a much better railway service, so if you wish you can leave your car at home and take the public transport alternative. And yet, we've seen in the last four years, if anything, a deterioration in the public transport system. HUMPHRYS: Alright, final area where your commitment to freedom comes under a bit of a test, and that's section twenty-eight, there are limits, it seems, to your willingness to give people freedom. The government wants to get rid of it, failed to get rid of it, next time around may or may not, you want to retain it, so you're not prepared to say to people, to local authorities, you can decide on this, if some schools or local education authorities want to accept homosexuality as an alternative lifestyle, you may do so. You're not prepared to go that far are you? NORMAN: Well I think John you've very seriously misrepresented in your introduction just then what section twenty-eight is about. You know, we as Conservatives respect all people, especially all children, to pursue their opportunities in life, regardless of their sexual preference. What we don't think is right is that local authorities should raise council tax, raise taxpayers money, and spend it on propagating a particular lifestyle. Now this is an issue that was considered by both houses in parliament during the last couple of years and it's been rejected by parliament. We think it's a dead issue, we think it's quite pointless to raise it again, and we do believe that there is a case for saying that councils shouldn't be spending their money on propagating a very particular lifestyle at the expense of any other. HUMPHRYS: Archie Norman, have to end it there. Thanks very much indeed for joining us this morning. NORMAN: Thank you.
NB. This transcript was typed from a transcription unit recording and not copied from an original script. Because of the possibility of mis-hearing and the difficulty, in some cases, of identifying individual speakers, the BBC cannot vouch for its accuracy.