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Interview with Margaret Beckett |
................................................................................ ON THE RECORD RECORDED FROM TRANSMISSION BBC-1 DATE: 9.11.97 ................................................................................ JOHN HUMPHRYS: Good afternoon. Britain's bosses are starting their annual conference this weekend. The government says relations with industry have never been better, but I'll be asking the President of the Board of Trade Margaret Beckett if the Labour Party is now really the friend of big business. That's after the News read by JENNIE BOND. NEWS HUMPHRYS: Thank you Jennie. Tomorrow the leaders of Britain's biggest businesses - the CBI - get together in Birmingham for their annual conference... this time under a Labour government. So you might think they'd be a little depressed at that prospect. On the contrary, they think they may well be able to do business with the Labour Party. And one of the reasons for that is that people like Tony Blair and Gordon Brown talk their language of competitiveness but is it really the same language? What business wants - has always wanted - is a free hand. Is a Labour government really prepared to give it that. The President of the board of Trade is Margaret Beckett and she is in her constituency in Derby. Good afternoon Mrs Beckett. MARGARET BECKETT: Hello. HUMPHRYS: This question of the language that you use. What you mean by competitiveness is different from what they mean. What they want is absolute flexibility to do what they will, to let the market run riot if you like. That isn't what you mean is it? BECKETT: But I don't think it's what they mean either. One of the features of the developing relationship between a Labour Government and the business community and others is that we are, unlike the previous government, listening to what people say to us, we are working with them to advance Britain's competitiveness, but that doesn't mean just a free hand to run riot. It's the business commmunity for example, that want to see changes in the competition law because everybody agrees it's not strong enough. It's the business community that want a sensible and workable relationship with their workforce, so I think actually that many of the things we're saying are similar, because we are all trying to address what's in Britian's national interest. HUMPHRYS: Well, let's take the competition law. You're introducing a competition bill, and one of the effects of that bill will be that if companies want to take over other companies in breach of the sort of guidelines, the rules that you set out, they could be fined, very substantial fines up to ten per cent of their total turnover. Now, they don't want that do they? BECKETT: I think you'll find the position varies. Generally the CBI and most of the business organisations welcome the notion of the competition bill. We've been talking about if for something like ten years. The previous government never got round to doing anything about it, and we are. Now, the aspect of the bill that you pick up is the one where they've got some anxieties, and that'll all be explored when the bill is being discussed. HUMPHRYS: What, so you might give may on that d'you mean? BECKETT: Well, we can't give way on the basic principle because it's about making sure that companies are deterred from abusing their power in the market, and you know different companies have different interests in this respect. A part of the problem with our present law is that especially a smaller company could be driven out of business before our law as it is today can act. So we're looking at getting a new balance. HUMPHRYS: And part of the new balance that you put it, might not be the ten per cent fine that I just mentioned. You might back away a little from that? BECKETT: Well, we shall look at the issue of what is a deterrent and there is no doubt that some level of fines will be included in the regime. HUMPHRYS: But not necessarily ten per cent - up to ten per cent of turnover? BECKETT: It could well be, but these are the kind of things that you explore in discussion on the bill, but the principle we think is right, because the principle is to try and make sure that we have the kind of competition law that encourages competitiveness. HUMPHRYS: But possibly a smaller amount of money than has been talked about? BECKETT: I'd rather doubt it, but I don't believe in having a closed mind when a bill is barely started on its discussion stage. HUMPHRYS: All right. Flexibility then, let's look at that. This is another one of those words that you mean something by it, they perhaps mean something different. When they talk about flexibility they talk about better education and training, so that workers can move from one job to another, and that of course - you go along with that. But you mean something else as well. They mean something else as well, and what they mean is that they should be able to hire and fire more easily, perhaps they should have shorter contracts for their workers, perhaps workers should work different, more flexible sort of hours to suit them. Now, there is another difference between you, isn't there? BECKETT: I think there's a danger of confusing what the previous government used to say about flexibility with what the business community used to say and does say. Again, we are saying that there's nothing the matter with flexibility which means that companies and individuals can respond to the different circumstances in which they find themselves, and that means that they can secure their markets and secure the jobs for their employees, and that does mean aiming for skill, it means aiming for quality, it means all the kind of things that we've been urging on the business community and on the representatives of the workforce and there's a ready acceptance for that. There have been people who've talked about flexibility just meaning hire and fire at will, but as I say they've tended to be in the Conservative Party rather than in the real world. HUMPHRYS: Let's look at that in a little bit more detail then. You want to change the law which would increase trade union recognition. You would actually say to a company: if more than half your workforce wants trade union recognition they should have it. Now, they don't like that very much. You would give workers more employment rights. the bosses, many of them, don't like that very much because that would add to their costs. another difference between you. BECKETT: Nobody would dispute that there are times when we will take a different point of view from the representatives of the business community, that's a perfectly reasonable thing. It will happen from time to time, but there's a world of difference between some areas of difference and just not being able to see eye to eye at all, for example over the issue of trade union recognition. With our encouragement the CBI and the TUC are talking to see if they can clear the undergrowth in any way, if there's any area of common ground that they can agree on and simplify what is the area within which there are differences, and then the Government will have to make a decision as to how they take things forward. But in a lot of these things the business community would hate grossly over-regulation which would cause problems and make them less competitive, but having better regulation, having reasonable minimum standards often protects decent, hardworking, competitive businesses who are competing on quality just as much as it protects the workforce from exploitation. So as long as you get the balance right it can be in everybody's interests. HUMPHRYS: But your idea of the balance, their idea of the balance, might be different. Are you prepared to give on this? BECKETT: Well, there will be times no doubt. I think we can't ..., we definitely can't give on the principle of it being right for people to be able to join a trade union, and right for them to have it act on their behalf if more than half of them want it. That seems to me to be simple justice and democracy, but certainly we don't want to go about drafting masses of rules that will cause difficulties, both for business and for the secure long-term employment of the workforce, and it's getting that balance right in constructive discussion that the Government's set its hand to. HUMPHRYS: And the problem from their point of view is they would say, and they don't think you've got it right at the moment, clearly, that you would be adding to their costs, additional trade union rights would add recognition, would add to their costs. Do you accept that? BECKETT: Well, we're at a very early stage in those discussions. They may say that in the end, but where there will be times as I say, when we don't see eye to eye, when they may feel that we're adding to their costs. There are other occasions, just as many more I think, where we do see eye to eye, and I understand that this morning the President of the CBI, Colin Marshall for example, said he thought it was a good thing and in the country's interests that the Labour government was encouraging companies and their workforce to work together. HUMPHRYS: On the other hand lots of people, including some people, lots of bosses including some now in your Government, one in particular I'm thinking of, thinks it's not a very good idea, or thought it wasn't a very good idea, actually de-recognised unions when they were running companies themselves. BECKETT: Well we've seen that happen in some companies over the years but if the basis of the law changes and if, as I say, more than half a workforce want to be represented by their trade unions then I'm sure British companies will accept that. But I think very much too, that they will welcome the other things that we're doing to create a climate in which we can have strong and competitive markets, in which modern companies can develop constructive relationships with their workforce which is actually the key to success in all of our most successful companies and in which government works with the business community to try and set the right framework for the future. HUMPHRYS: Yes, but the people I referred to are some, in your terms, the most constructive people. I mean Lord Simon for instance, who's a very important minister in your government now, used to run BP, derecognised the Transport and General Workers Union in some areas. Martin Taylor, boss of Barclays Bank, who you've given an important job to, exactly the same, you're going to have to placate them first aren't you? BECKETT: Well I doubt if either of those two would argue that they as individuals, rather than as part of their companies took such decisions, but as I say... HUMPHRYS: They did run the companies. BECKETT: Not single-handed I think. HUMPHRYS: They were the bosses. BECKETT: The past climate of industrial relations is exactly that, it is behind us. What modern companies recognise is the need to work constructively with their workforce, and most of them do. HUMPHRYS: Now, another area where they are rather worried about is this question of unfair dismissal, what is regarded as unfair dismissal and under previous rules you had to work for a company for two years before you had those rights and you, at one stage, the Labour Party said those rights will apply from day one, then it was going to be six months, now it seems to be going back a bit. I'm very puzzled as to what is actually happening here and bosses are very worried about this. What is the situation? BECKETT: We will be publishing a White Paper in the New Year and we shall look then at what we think is the right balance for the future and obviously it will be a White Paper, it will be for consultation. We shall put forward our proposals then. But we will be looking to see again what are the right, minimum standards, what is a fair level-playing field for everyone to operate on, and what will work reasonably well in practice and it is a matter of getting that right. HUMPHRYS: Well you used to know that didn't you. You yourself used to know that. You supported John Smith in saying those rights ought to apply from day one. What's changed? BECKETT: John Smith did say that. HUMPHRYS: And you supported him. BECKETT: Well, naturally. A great deal... HUMPHRYS: Have you stopped supporting the view now? BECKETT: Pardon? HUMPHRYS: Have you stopped supporting that view now? BECKETT: What happened after John made that statement, was that we got then a great deal of input and discussion, including incidently from within the Trades Union movement, not simply from the business community, about whether that was actually workable in practice and how you carried it out. And one of the things that we are not interested in doing, and never were interested in doing, including under John Smith, is introducing proposals for the sake of it, if they're not workable and don't contribute to a good climate of working relations in practice. So we've looked at the balance of opinion and we shall be looking at it in its sort of final stages when we publish our White Paper in the New Year. HUMPHRYS: It sounds as if you're backing off again. BECKETT: No I don't think that. What is important is that we're showing very clearly as a government the direction in which we're going. I don't think anyone can dispute that. There are clear signs, clear steps being taken to go in the right direction. As you move in that direction, from time to time a whole range of practical issues will come up and if you're a sensible government you take heed of those, and sometimes you make changes, sometimes they're minor, sometimes they're more significant but that's the process of government as opposed to the process of opposition and it's the direction that matters. HUMPHRYS: And sometimes you might even acknowledge that mightn't you and say: yeah well that was a bit of a U-turn but there we are. However, I digress. Let's look at the minimum wage, something else that John Smith was entirely in support of and so were you pf course and this government is too. But, and here's the problem, you have said yourself in a letter, that you should consider the possibility of people who are under the age of twenty-five being excluded from the requirements of the minimum wage. Is that your position? BECKETT: That isn't a recommendation, what you are quoting from I think is the terms of reference which we sent to the Low Pay Commission. HUMPHRYS: Because there is going to be a Low Pay Commission precisely. BECKETT: That's right yes. That is an independent body. The area of greatest interest and controversy and some would argue the greatest difficulty is exactly how you handle the issue of how young workers are treated, particularly in the context of training. So what you are quoting is the terms of reference that say to the Low Pay Commission this is an area of particular sensitivity, it's an area where it is particularly important to try and get it right because the one thing none of us wants, is to put in place a structure for the national minimum wage that discourages young people from undergoing continuing training or that indeed that discourages employers from taking on young people. So again there's a huge amount of ideas and input and discussion about that and what that letter said was: you the Low Pay Commission should look at this and come back to us Government with your recommendations. It was not a recommendation to them as to the decision they should make, it was a recommendation that this was an area that they had to study. HUMPHRYS: Right, so if they come back to you and say: well we've looked at it, read your letter with great interest and we've decided you're quite right, we ought to study this very carefully, you will say good, go ahead and do that. The implication then, of course being that that is what may be implemented in years to come or months to come, who knows. BECKETT: No, no. They are doing that. I mean they're taking evidence now, they are engaged in all kinds of discussions, they're reading the great bulk of written material that there is on this. They are now looking at these issues with a view to making recommendations to the Government. HUMPHRYS: And if the - sorry to interrupt you, but to cut you short there because I may have misled as well. If the recommendation at the end of this process is that twenty-five year olds, under twenty-five year olds should be excluded from the provisions, you, the Government would say, fine, okay. BECKETT: Well we the Government will look at what they recommend and then we'll form our conclusions and announce the policy that we have decided to pursue. The Low Pay Commission are very well aware that their job is to look at the evidence, to make proposals to us and that then the government will decide on the balance of the recommendations they make. So I think it's very early days for anybody to be leaping to conclusions but what is very clear is that it's very important for us to do something about the position in which we're the only developed economy which has no kind of minimum standards, no kind of minimum protection and which we believe has actually undermined the competitiveness of our country and of our companies of recent years, but it's important to get that right. HUMPHRYS: And that's an area, what you just said, may well encourage one or two bosses watching this programme. Let's look at another area where perhaps you might offer a bit of encouragement again, the Social Chapter under the European Union. Now you had, the Government had promised the bosses when you were in opposition, certainly you said: we will sign the Social Chapter because there's nothing in the pipeline that should bother you at all, absolutely nothing there that you ought to get exercised about. Then we discover that indeed there is, that the Commission wants Works Councils for small and medium sized companies. Something that your lot apparently didn't want and didn't know was going to happen. Now you have made it almost inevitable as a result of signing the Social Chapter that that is going to happen, or perhaps you can say something that watching bosses will be able to take some encouragement from this morning on that. BECKETT: Well, I don't think we're anywhere near to a decision on such a proposal which is in... HUMPHRYS: Not that far off. BECKETT: Well, no, I don't think that's right. We're in the very earliest stages where the Commission has come forward with some suggestions as to what they would like to see. But the councils of employers within the European Union as a whole and the other social partners - the representatives of trades unions and so on, are now looking at and discussing this proposal. So I mean it hasn't even come out of that process, never mind coming to Government. HUMPHRYS: Yes, sure, but I mean we know that the Commission wants it, we know that thirteen of the fifteen ministers who will eventually sit around in the Council of Ministers and discuss it, we know that they want it because they've already got it in their countries and they are not going to want to give up what may or may not be a perceived advantage. So we are going to lose on that. BECKETT: That may not mean that they want to see European Union legislation about something they may feel is a domestic matter, so we are at a very early stage. Let me take you back for a second to the contents of your question, John, because the fact is that before the election we had a wholly unreal debate about the Social Chapter. The previous Government used to try and pretend that if Britain signed the Social Chapter we would forthwith have to adopt the social security policies, the industrial relations law and so on of other member states. That was always rubbish and now I think it's recognised as being rubbish. Now nobody ever said that there would never be any further proposals coming up from the Commission in the context of the Social Chapter but our view is - and it is very strongly - that because of the neglect of the previous Government, we still have a lot of work to do to get into our domestic legislation the consequences of being in the Social Chapter. A lot of companies, particularly big companies who are bound by the existing works council directive, have a lot of work to do to get their structures in line so that their work force and they don't lose out because we weren't in the Social Chapter. HUMPHRYS: So, therefore, are we going to support or oppose this if - when, when - I am much more tempted to say 'when' it comes up. BECKETT: Well, we are still at such early stages that it's far from clear in what form... HUMPHRYS: Come on, you must have a view on that, heavens, you must have thought about it. BECKETT: Well, at the moment we would resist that further extension. HUMPHRYS: But you might accept it. BECKETT: No. We would resist what we understand to be under discussion now because we already have a lot of domestic legislation. What we were talking about before - the national minimum wage, the fairness at work White Paper, we've got a huge amount of work already in train under this Government and at the moment we don't need somebody to try and give us some more, thank you very much. We would like to get these issues right and not... we are opposed to being pushed by anybody into taking further steps of the kind that are now being discussed. But it's far from clear when or if and in what form they will finally come forward. HUMPHRYS: But when they do ... BECKETT: Well, if they do. HUMPHRYS: All right, if you like. You will resist but you can't actually stop it happening. BECKETT: Well, er, we shall see how things go. HUMPHRYS: Well you can't, you haven't got a veto, have you. BECKETT: No we haven't. The previous Government gave up our veto and we can't restore it but it's always the case within the European Union that other countries recognise a balance of interest. There will be things that we perhaps might be keen on that other countries might not want. It's much too early to say where we might end up in an issue where we've only just begun the discussions. HUMPHRYS: Let's deal with the final and the big one as far as - the biggest one of all as far as many bosses are concerned, and that is the Euro, the Single European Currency. They like it, certainly many of them do, apparently the majority of them do, because it gives them what they want most of all - and that is stability, stability on interest rates, stability on exchange rates and so on. Now, you have ruled that out for years to come, so therefore the thing they most wanted from you, they are not going to get it - at least for a very long time. BECKETT: I don't think that you would get that reaction from most of the business community. HUMPHRYS: What reaction? That they don't want it? BECKETT: The reaction that we have created instability. We have actually made the position very simple and clear so that the business community now know where they stand in a way they haven't known for years. HUMPHRYS: Sorry, but just let me point out to you before you leave that. Have you seen what's happening - the pound's going up and down like a yo-yo on speed! I mean, I've never seen the pound - and probably you haven't - shooting up and down the way it has been. That's stability? BECKETT: Well, with respect, I think that's got rather more to do with things like what's happening on the Stock Markets inHong Kong and in New York - over which even this Government has no control, than it has to do with what we said about economic and monetary union. What we've done is to make it plain that we don't see any constitutional barrier to Britain being in a single currency if, as we all expect, it goes ahead in a few years' time. We've also made it plain that now is the time for people in Britain generally and particularly people in Britain's businesses, to stop allowing this area of discussion to be clogged by the presentation of the previous Government, that somehow what mattered was whether Britain was in or out and if we weren't going in we didn't need to think about it. There is a huge amoung of work to be done to prepare for the impact of a single currency when or if ever Britain goes in. The issue of how it will impact on British business is hugely important and thanks to the neglect of the previous Government, little has been done about it. Can I also add that if there is any small degree of contribution to the instability of the pound from discussions about economic and monetary union, the time-frame and so on, then it makes the point all over again that it is in Britain's long-term national interests for there to be a sensible approach for the debate and for European Monetary Union to be well handled and that is something to which this Government have committed ourselves. HUMPHRYS: And in the meantime, only a few seconds left, you are quite happy to see the Bank of England pushing up interest rates and the pound with it - even though business doesn't like that? BECKETT: Well, it is for the Bank of England to decide on control of interest rates. In the long-term we believe that giving that decision out of the hands of government so no-one can say it's political interference will contribute to stability. These are all issues the Bank of England themselves presumably took into account when they made their decision. HUMPHRYS: Margaret Beckett, thank you very much indeed for joining us this morning. BECKETT: Thank you. HUMPHRYS: And that's it for this week. Next week we'll be looking at the price Britain pays for its food. Has Europe added too much to our bills? Until then, good afternoon. ...oooOooo... |