Interview with Sir James Goldsmith




  
 
 
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                                 ON THE RECORD 
 
 
RECORDED FROM TRANSMISSION BBC-1                                 DATE: 13.10.96
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INTERVIEW WITH SIR JAMES GOLDMSITH

 

HUMPHRYS:                              Well there we are Sir James Goldsmith, 
that's what it's all about.  The hidden agenda of your campaign is that you are 
not merely pro-referendum - you are anti-Europe. 
 
SIR JAMES GOLDSMITH:                   I'd like to comment on the three major
points there on the programme. 
 
HUMPHRYS:                              We'll deal with the programme as we go 
through but if you deal with that question I'll pick up the other points as we 
go through; I will indeed. 
 
GOLDSMITH:                             Well it's wrong.  I happen to be, but 
not the Party, the Party's wholly agnostic, but I've always made my own 
personal position clear, the Party just wants a referendum on the fundamental 
issues and the fundamental relationship between Britain and Europe.  Insofar as 
what I want myself, I happen to want a Europe of nations, sovereign nations who 
co-operate where we can do things together better than independently, that's a 
personal view and our Party fortunately - our Party is fortunately made up of 
free-spirits.  A large number free men and women are multiplicity views.  My 
personal view, which will only come about if we get a referendum and which will 
represent no more than one vote by the way is that we need a Europe of nations 
co-operating as sovereign nations.  But we and I would like to go on just to 
answer your question, it is entirely wrong to say that we are targeting Tories 
or Europhiles.  We have made it absolutely clear that we are targeting all 
those who are against a referendum on the fundamental issues of Europe and the 
reason why we study people's record is because we are not interested in what 
they say, who's going to take the words...you know as there's an old saying 
"that only fools believe political commitments". The one thing which is clear 
is that you have to look at the act not the words. 
 
HUMPHRYS:                              Exactly, all right.  Well let's do 
that and let me just remind people of what your advertisement says in that all 
the papers, every single newspaper this morning, nearly six hundred Referendum 
Party candidates will be standing in the next General Election fighting every 
seat where the leading candidate has failed to defend your right to vote on the 
future of this nation.  Now,  Ken Hind, we saw him in that film, wrote to you 
and said "I will vote for a referendum" and yet you're putting up a candidate 
against him and he's the leading candidate in that constituency  
 
GOLDSMITH:                             Good for him but he has not in my view 
demonstrated from the facts that he is for a referendum.    
 
HUMPHRYS:                              How else can he do that apart from 
saying he will. 
 
GOLDSMITH:                             By his acts.  Let me tell you what we're 
doing, let me explain to you what we're doing.  We've created a litmus test and 
that litmus test shows every occasion on which sitting members have had the 
opportunity to vote for a referendum and whenever they have done so they get a 
certain number of points, whenever they've failed...voted against or abstained 
they get no points and therefore we have a pointing system of what they've 
done, not what they've said.  Today they all say it before, most of them say it
before it was what they did.  Now - if I may just finish this.  This does not 
just concern Conservatives, it concerns members of the Labour Party, it does 
not just concern Federalists or anti-Federalists, it's everybody.  I mean we 
are not standing against a number, quite a large number of pro-Referendum 
Labour Members of Parliament.  
 
HUMPHRYS:                              Indeed, absolutely but let me take you 
at your word there because you said don't judge them by merely their words, 
judge them by their deeds. That's what I understood you to say fine.  Michael 
Spicer, a sitting MP who has had the opportunity to vote on a referendum on 
Maastricht because there was an amendment during the Maastricht debate in 1993, 
he voted for a referendum but you're putting up a candidate against him. 
 
GOLDSMITH:                             Michael Spicer's history is one of 
moving with the wind. He has moved with the tide, he was on the Left-wing of Mr 
Heath's Government, he moved and became a dry. I do not believe in what he says 
and his voting record is not impeccable.  
 
HUMPHRYS:                              So this advert is positively misleading. 
 
GOLDSMITH:                             It is not positively misleading, what we 
are saying is and we've said it in our statement of aims which have been 
advertised over and over again, that we will put up candidates wherever the 
leading candidate, in our view, is not committed to a referendum on..the 
fundamental issues.  
                                                                    
HUMPHRYS:                              Spicer's not only committed to it, he's 
done it, he's actually proved it, he's voted for a referendum  
 
GOLDSMITH:                             He's also voted in a pretty, tricky way 
on other occasions.  
 
HUMPHRYS:                              Ah, well.  That's the point, isn't it? 
 
GOLDSMITH:                             I don't want to got into Mr Spicer, I 
want to got into the overall situation. 
 
HUMPHRYS:                              Absolutely so do I.              
 
GOLDSMITH:                             Let me, let me, let me explain: 
Whether you take a Federalist of the Left, like Ken Livingstone and I quote him 
because he's allowed me to quote him.  He said in his letter that I could do 
so.  He's a Federalist and he's a Left wing member of the Labour Party.  We're 
not going to stand against him because he believes in democracy and believes in 
a referendum.  Among our candidates we have, of course both Socialists and-we 
have Socialists, Lib Dems and Conservaties but we also have Federalists and 
anti-Federalists.  Let me give you an example.  There's a man called Goldsmith 
- no relation by the way - John Goldsmith, he happens to be a Federalist but he 
happens to believe that it needs the legitimate backing of the people to go 
in.  He is a candidate of ours.  His wife, who's a racing driver, also no 
relation, Gillian Goldsmith, happens to be anti-Federalist - she's also a 
candidate.  It shows by the way how it splits through families.  
 
HUMPHRYS:                              Yah, but let me pick you up you see on 
what you said earlier.  You judge people by their actions rather than by their 
words.  Now you say that the Party is agnostic on the question of Europe, in 
the sense of so long as people support the referendum - that's clearly what 
this advertisement tells us - they will have your support. As long as 
candidates against (phon) them.  
 
                                      As long as you're satisfied.  But let's 
look at the people whom you're not putting candidates up against.  They are the 
committed, let's get out of Europe, brigade. 
 
GOLDSMITH:                             No, Sir, they're not. 
 
HUMPHRYS:                              Well, are you putting it against-Are you 
putting that to Ken Livingstone? 
 
GOLDSMITH:                             Ken Livingstone is a typical example. 
 
HUMPHRYS:                              But are you putting up a candidate 
against any of the- those who lost the Whip, the so-called Whipless wonders - 
no you're not!   
 
GOLDSMITH:                             Because they've all voted for referenda, 
every one of them. 
 
HUMPHRYS:                              Yes.  
 
GOLDSMITH:                             And, that's why.  But the point is if 
you take-Among the Socialists, there are some Federalists who are for a 
referendum and we will not be putting up candidates against them and among the 
Conservatives and Lib Dems, if you take the Lib Dems, there are two Lib Dems 
who actually voted on 11 June for the Referendum Bill.  I believe them to be 
both Federalists for the very simple reason that the Party is very Federalistic 
- they call themselves Super Nationalists and they seem unanimous on the issue. 
I haven't asked them but they-All I wanted to see was whether or not they 
were in favour of a referendum - both voted.  They had the courage to vote even 
though Paddy Ashdown asked them to abstain.  Neither of them will have a 
candidate against them. They are Federalists who voted for a referendum. So, 
this is-this business of targetting the Conservatives and of only going for 
those who are-who have one view on Europe which is anti-Federalist is 
nonsense.  On the other hand, to go in your direction, of course a bulk of the 
people who want a referendum are those who want a change in the direction which 
we're going and therefore automatically- 
 
HUMPHRYS:                              Yah. 
 
GOLDSMITH:                             -architecturally, the bulk of people who 
want a change want a referendum. 
 
HUMPHRYS:                              Right. 
 
GOLDSMITH:                             Whereas those who are satisfied to drift 
in to a Super National state, a single European state and to lose our 
sovereignty are happy at the ways things are going because all three Parties 
are leading them there and therefore automatically we are-our backers are in 
the main those who happen to hold my personal views in varying ways and that is 
to say that the way we are going at the moment needs change. 
 
HUMPHRYS:                              Right.  And, now we get to the real 
agenda, don't we? 
 
GOLDSMITH:                             And we have-and, we have-No, Sir!  That 
was the architecture but we have entirely respected our views that whether 
somebody is Federalist or anti-Federalist, whether somebody is Socialist, Lib 
Dem or Conservative if he has voted - or she has voted - for a referendum on 
the substance of substantial issues in a way which is credible.  We will not 
stand against them! 
 
HUMPHRYS:                              This is the real agenda, isn't it?  
Whatever the referendum question that you put - and, we don't know what it is 
yet, because you haven't told us - whatever the referendum question finally if 
there is one turns out to be what it really amounts to is: do you want to stay 
in Europe, or do you want to pull out of the European Union.  That's what it 
comes down to, isn't it?   
 
GOLDSMITH:                              No, sir.  You're simplifying it!  
Firstly, we haven't put a question. 
 
HUMPHRYS:                              No? 
 
GOLDSMITH:                             And the reason why we haven't put a 
question is that we happen to believe in methods of establishing questions. 
 
HUMPHRYS:                              Yeah.  But, whatever question- 
 
GOLDSMITH:                             No, no, no, no, no!  You said- 
 
HUMPHRYS:                              -you put that is how it will come out in 
the long run.... 
 
GOLDSMITH:                             No, no, no, no! Let me finish.   We 
have, in fact, endorsed the best question so far that came from the House, 
which is backed by a cross Party from all the Parties, which was on the 
eleventh of June and we endorsed it - not because of its language - which was
Parliamentary language - but because it addressed the issues.  But, the 
question, as I will make clear, at our conference in Brighton - the question 
which will have to be determined Constitutionally through the House or through 
the Speakers' Conference, the question must address the four principal points 
of view.  
 
HUMPHRYS:                              And, the MPs-  
 
GOLDSMITH:                             The four principal points of view, which 
the British public hold, which are either to stay as we are and go drift into a 
single new European state, giving up our soverignity, our independence, indeed 
our nationhood.  Secondly, joining a Europe of nations is another alternative, 
which is one I mentioned before.  The third one is going back to a free trade 
area - the EFTA - which was the original one.  And the fourth idea is the 
possibility of getting out and getting out. 
 
HUMPHRYS:                              Exactly. 
 
GOLDSMITH:                             And, there must- 
 
HUMPHRYS:                              So, three of those options are for 
getting out and the fact is that the MPs- 
 
GOLDSMITH:                             They are--NO!  Please! You must not say 
that!                                            
 
HUMPHRYS:                              But, of course, they are!   
 
GOLDSMITH:                             A Europe of nations is-That is complete 
and utter- 
 
HUMPHRYS:                              You know perfectly well-You know 
perfectly well- 
 
GOLDSMITH:                             I'm sorry. 
 
HUMPHRYS:                              -that the notion of going back to 
Brussels and saying: let us renegotiate the Maastricht Treaty, which, 
effectively, means the Treaty of Rome- 
 
GOLDSMITH:                             One-No, no, no, no, no!  I will not- 
 
HUMPHRYS:                              And, changing our status in Europe is a 
nonsense.  They would say: away with you!  You can't stay in on those terms! 
 
GOLDSMITH:                             Nonsense.  You don't know what's 
happening in Europe.   Firstly, I want to get your facts right.  Of those four 
options: One is for getting right out, one is for returning to a free trade 
area- 
 
HUMPHRYS:                              The effect of the other three is the 
same. 
 
GOLDSMITH:                             One is for returning to a free trade 
area, one is for creating it- 
 
HUMPHRYS:                              Getting out. 
 
GOLDSMITH:                             That's not getting out. 
 
HUMPHRYS:                              Of course, it is. 
 
GOLDSMITH:                             It's a return to a free trade area, 
which is what we went into. 
 
HUMPHRYS:                              Exactly.  
 
                                       But, it's not what we're in now. 
 
GOLDSMITH:                             Of course, getting out of our present 
situation, not getting out of Europe. 
 
HUMPHRYS:                              But, the idea of being able to 
renegotiate it on those terms is preposterous! 
 
GOLDSMITH:                             And, one-This is what I'll come to, in a 
moment, where you're entirely wrong, and the other one is a Europe of nations, 
which is creating a really, valid Europe - a strong one - which is based on its 
true pillars, the pillars of its intonations (phon), but which is a Europe.  
And, that's by no means getting out.  That's building a valid and strong 
Europe.  That happens to be what I'm for.  
 
HUMPHRYS:                              But, the notion which- 
 
GOLDSMITH:                             But, the one which is going to destroy 
Europe is the present one.  You've got it entirely wrong.   It it the 
supernational state that will destroy Europe.  But, I must come back.  I know I 
followed your question.  But, I must come back and be allowed to answer one or 
two of the criticisms made in the film.  It says there - I just noted it down - 
it says using my wealth to bend the normal, democratic process. 
                                                                    
HUMPHRYS:                              Right.  Then, I'm going to come to that. 
Let me come to that because Michael Heseltine raised this very point.  
 
GOLDSMITH:                             OK. 
 
HUMPHRYS:                              He levelled a criticism at you and, 
effectively, what we're talking about here is that this anti-European agenda, 
if you like, is going to do enormous damage to Britain because you will be able 
simply to get out of Britain.  You have homes all over the place, you can leave 
Britain, you won't have to live with the consequences - that's what he's 
saying.  
 
GOLDSMITH:                             Let me-Let me answer the fundamental 
question, rather than the trivial point made by Mr Heseltine.  The fundamental 
question, if you analyse it: am I using my wealth to bend the normal democratic 
process?  The answer is exactly the opposite.  The European Commission spends 
over two hundred million pounds per annum in propaganda, so as to bend the 
democratic process.  It is pure propaganda.  
 
HUMPHRYS:                              But, what about- 
 
GOLDSMITH:                             Wait a minute!  No, wait a minute.  It 
has stifled the debate in this country, so that we were giving up our 
soverignity by default without a debate.  Now, it needed a man with money to be 
able not to level the playing field but to start to put some balance into it.  
 
HUMPHRYS:                              Alright.  
 
GOLDSMITH:                             Therefore, the idea- 
 
HUMPHRYS:                              Final point, then.  Final very quick 
point, if I may.  You make your point.  
 
GOLDSMITH:                             The idea that it is I who have been 
bending the democratic process makes the-exact opposite of the truth.  What is 
bending the democratic process is the propaganda system of using two hundred 
million pounds of taxes... 
 
HUMPHRYS:                              But, it also makes the point that 
they're you are-You're- 
 
GOLDSMITH:                             Yes, but it's a very, important point. 
And, and I must finish this point.  And, it also says that I'm trying to buy 
power - who for?  Not for me.  I'll resign the day we have a referendum.  The 
Party will dissolve - it's in the Statutes.  Who am I trying to buy the power 
for?  If I'm trying to put money for you to be able to vote on whether or not 
your nation continues.  I seek no power.  We will dissolve - it's in our 
articles.  If we want to have power, it's for you and others in this country to 
be able to decide in the future of their own nation.  
 
HUMPHRYS:                              Sir James Goldsmith.   Thank you very 
much, indeed.  
 
GOLDSMITH:                             Thank you very much.