The Conservative Manifesto 1997
EUROPE AND THE WORLD
Britain is a world leader as well as a European nation. Our economic strength, our history and our language make us a global trading nation with links right around the world. Only the United Kingdom is a member of the European Union, the United Nations Security Council, the Commonwealth, NATO and the Group of Seven leading industrial nations. In the Gulf, Bosnia, Cyprus and Northern Iraq, John Major has shown how our nation can contribute to world peace.
We will continue to work with international partners to secure peace and stability in areas of tension such as former Yugoslavia; in Kashmir; in Cyprus; and in the Middle East. We will promote reform of the United Nations to make it a more effective organisation for securing international stability. Britain will continue to deploy our outstanding Armed Forces as peacekeepers under the United Nations. And we will support the aspirations of the Poles, Czechs, Hungarians and others to join the European Union and NATO.
After the transfer of Hong Kong, we will work under the terms of the Joint Declaration to help sustain the prosperity and way of life of the people of Hong Kong and build on the substantial British interests that will remain.
We will continue to support the Commonwealth, our unique global network, to encourage the spread of democracy, as set out in the Harare Declaration. We will focus our aid programme to encourage sustainable development in countries that are growing towards self sufficiency under democratic government. We have taken the lead in alleviating the burden of debt for the world's poorest countries. We also have significant flows of private investment to developing economies. We are more than achieving the long term UN target of 1% of GDP for the transfer of wealth to less developed countries. We will continue to maintain a significant bilateral and multilateral aid programme reflecting the aspiration of meeting the UN's target of 0.7% of GDP for aid as a long-term objective.
We will also continue to provide leadership in Europe and internationally on environmental issues, building on the Rio Conference to encourage sustainable development - meeting our commitment to reduce Carbon Dioxide (CO2) emissions by 10% on 1990 levels by 2010 to prevent climate change. The Prime Minister has committed himself to attending the next UN Environmental Conference in June.
Britain and the European Union
We believe that in an uncertain, competitive world, the nation state is a rock of security. A nation�s common heritage, culture, values and outlook are a precious source of stability. Nationhood gives people a sense of belonging.
The government has a positive vision for the European Union as a partnership of nations. We want to be in Europe but not run by Europe. We have much to gain from our membership of the European Union - in trade, in co-operation between governments, and in preserving European peace. We benefit from the huge trade opportunities that have opened up since Britain led the way in developing Europe's single market. We want to see the rest of Europe follow the same deregulated, enterprise policies that have transformed our economic prospects in Britain.
However, in June, the nations of the European Union will gather in Amsterdam to negotiate possible amendments to the Treaty of Rome. It is a moment of truth, setting the direction in which the European Union will go. It will also be crucial in ensuring that we have a relationship with the rest of Europe with which we can be comfortable.
A Conservative Government will seek a partnership of nation states. Some others would like to build a federal Europe. A British Conservative Government will not allow Britain to be part of a Federal European State.
The diversity of Europe�s nations is its strength. As more nations join the European Union, it needs to become flexible not more rigid. We must also ensure that any developments which only include some Members do not work to the disadvantage of others.
Our priorities for Europe�s development will be enlargement of the Community, completion of the single market, reform of the European Court of Justice, and further strengthening of the role of national parliaments. We will seek more co-operation between national governments on areas of common interest - defence, foreign policy and the fight against international crime and drugs. We also believe the European Union itself should do less, but do it better. So we have proposed incorporating the principle of subsidiarity - that the European Union should only do that which cannot be done by Member States acting alone - into the Treaty. This is how we are approaching the Inter-Governmental Conference.
We will argue for a flexible Europe which fully accommodates the interests and aspirations of all its Member States and where any new proposals have to be open to all and agreed by all. We will not accept other changes to the Treaty that would further centralise decision-making, reduce national sovereignty, or remove our right to permanent opt-outs.
We will retain Britain's veto and oppose further extension of qualified majority voting in order to ensure we can prevent policies that would be harmful to the national interest. We will defend the rights of national parliaments and oppose more powers being given to the European Parliament at the expense of national parliaments.
We will take whatever steps are necessary to keep our frontier controls. We will resist attempts to change the inter-governmental nature of cooperation in Justice and Home Affairs. We will not accept the development of new legal rights that extend the concept of European Citizenship.
Britain�s rebate has so far saved British taxpayers �18bn and we will protect it.
One of the greatest challenges Europe faces is to cut unemployment and make its businesses competitive. Here Britain is leading the way. We will continue to argue for deregulation and lower costs on Europe�s businesses, the policies that have helped give Britain one of the strongest economies in Europe. We will not put that achievement at risk by signing up to the Social Chapter, which would open the door to imposing the high costs of the European Social Model on British business. Once Britain accepted the Social Chapter we could not stop many of these damaging policies being imposed on us by Qualified Majority Voting.
We will insist that any new Treaty recognises that our opt out from the Social Chapter enables Britain to be exempt from the Working Time Directive, and prevents any abuse of our opt out. And, we will not accept a new employment chapter in any revised Treaty, which would expose British businesses to new costs.
We made it clear in the previous chapter that we will continue to work for further reform of the Common Agricultural Policy, and the lifting of the worldwide ban on British beef, and insist on measures to stop quota hopping by foreign fishing vessels.
Protecting Britain�s interests demands tough, experienced negotiation. John Major has proved he has these qualities - including the resolve to say no when necessary even if that means being isolated. Labour have said they would never want Britain to be isolated in Europe: they would damage Britain�s success by undermining our veto, signing up to the Social Chapter and following in others' footsteps - even where they lead in the wrong direction. They support policies that would fragment the United Kingdom's influence within a Europe of Regions. The Liberal Democrats welcome the end of the nation state. Only the Conservatives can be trusted to stand up for Britain in Europe: our national interest must be protected.
A Single Currency: Our Referendum Guarantee
The creation of a European single currency would be of enormous significance for all European States whether they are Members or not. We must take account of all the consequences for Britain of such a major development of policy.
John Major secured for us at Maastricht an opt-out from the commitment to enter a single currency. It is only because of this opt-out that we have the right to negotiate and then decide whether it is in Britain's interest to join.
It is in our national interest to take part in the negotiations. Not to do so would be an abdication of responsibility. A single currency would affect us whether we were in or out. We need to participate in discussions in order to ensure the rules are not fixed against our interests. The national interest is not served by exercising our option - one way or the other - before we have to.
For a single currency to come into effect, European economies will have to meet crucial criteria. On the information currently available, we believe that it is very unlikely that there will be sufficient convergence of economic conditions across Europe for a single currency to proceed safely on the target date of January 1st 1999. We will not include legislation on the single currency in the first Queen's Speech. If it cannot proceed safely, we believe it would be better for Europe to delay any introduction of a single currency rather than rush ahead to meet an artificial timetable. We will argue this case in the negotiations that lie ahead.
We believe it is in our national interest to keep our options open to take a decision on a Single Currency when all the facts are before us. If a single currency is created, without sustainable convergence, a British Conservative government will not be part of it.
If, during the course of the next Parliament, a Conservative government were to conclude that it was in our national interest to join a single currency, we have given a guarantee that no such decision would be implemented unless the British people gave their express approval in a referendum.
Defence in an Unstable World
The old rivalries of the Cold War have been replaced by new tensions. Britain must be able to react rapidly to protect our security and interests around the globe.
Our armed forces are the most professional in the world. We have cut unnecessary bureaucracy and increased efficiency, and directed money to support our services in the frontline. We have made the changes necessary to adapt our services to the threats which we might now face. We have set out defence plans based on stable levels of funding. There is no need for a defence review, which would raise fear and uncertainty about the future.
We will continue to ensure the Services have the modern weapons they need to guarantee their superiority against potential aggressors. We will make sure we can conduct military operations throughout the world, and develop our capability to deploy the three services together and rapidly, including the ability to transport heavy equipment into an operational zone. We will take part in ballistic missile research so we can decide whether we should procure any such system for the United Kingdom.
We will continue to target our efforts on recruiting for the armed forces. We will set up an Army Foundation College, which will provide 1,300 places for 16 and 17 year olds who want to join the Army. We will also enable the reserve forces to play a more active role in operations. We appreciate the enormous value of cadet forces, and our current plans including resources to encourage their further development.
We will continue to support Britain's defence industry, and we will work with companies to identify the technologies of the future.
NATO will remain the cornerstone of our security. We will resist attempts to bring the Western European Union under the control of the European Union, and ensure that defence policy remains a matter for sovereign nations.
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